Persistent and Changeable Properties in
Context: the Case of Mental State
Adjectives in Italian
Irene Russo
Department of Linguistics
University of Pisa
[email protected]
Overview
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Adjectival meaning can be modulated by linguistic
context: different senses can arise in context thanks to the
compositional interaction of semantic representations
theorized by Generative Lexicon theory (Pustejovsky
1995).
Data: mental state adjectives (Bouillon 1997) in Italian
copular sentences classified as individual-level or stagelevel predicates.
Beyond IL-SL distinction: shifts in meanings and
interpretations caused by different argument structures or
triggered by Prepositional Phrases (locative or temporal
modifiers).
Theoretical background
The individual-level/ stage-level distinction (henceforth
ILPs and SLPs) was originally proposed by (Carlson
1977). This distinction has been drawn in the verbal
domain but it is also relevant in the adjectival domain
because a frequent grammatical realization of this
partition is the copular sentence with an adjectival
predicate:
1 (a) The boy is tall. → Permanent property.
(b) The boy is drunk. → Temporary property.
Theoretical background
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The formal semantic approach of Carlson (1977) to IL-SL
distinction assume that these semantic classes are well
defined.
ILPs: altruistic, clever, tall, blond, intelligent, etc.
SLPs: available, drunk, tired, hungry, etc.
Different grammatical manifestations.
In English sentences with the progressive show a strong
tendency toward a particular interpretation:
2
(a) Maria is being happy.
(b) ! Gianni is being clever.
(c) Maria was happy.
Theoretical background
The clear- cut distinction is an oversimplification.
Kratzer (1995): there is a syntactic distinction between
stage-level and individual- level predicates realized in
different argument structure. But…
If a distinction between stage-level and individual-level
predicates is operative in natural language, it cannot be
a distinction that is made in the lexicon of a language
once and for
all.
Stage-level
predicates and
individual-level predicates differ in argument structure.
That is, the argument structure of having brown hair
changes when you start using it as a stage-level
predicate.
Against the dichotomy
3 (a) Maria è felice.
“Maria is happy.”
(b) Ieri Gianni era abile a sparare.
“Yesterday Gianni was skilful at shooting.”
Generative Lexicon framework (Pustejovsky 1995) is
useful: the ILPs- SLPs distinction is a semantic difference
realized syntactically.
Persistent and changeable realizations of properties could
be described as part of lexical knowledge codified in
adjectives’ qualia structure and inferred by syntagmatic
contexts.
Against the dichotomy
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SLP/ ILP distinction is not a grammatical manifestation of
a static conceptual difference but instead linguistic
contexts express different ways of conceptualizing a
property.
Adjectives could be analyzed as event- denoting
predicates, qualia roles can be treated as temporally
ordered relative to each other (Pustejovsky 2000).
We can bind the behaviour of potentially independent
event descriptions to the persistent behaviour of the head
it modifies.
Mental state adjectives
Mental state adjectives (Bouillon 1997) can denote an
emotional state (emotional adjectives) or a competence
(agent- oriented adjectives).
Emotional adjective: sad, angry/furious, irritated, happy,
bored.
Agent-oriented adjective: clever, skilful, dextrous.
Mental state adjectives
Syntactic polyvalency: several distinct contexts with
optional complement structure.
In the case of emotional state adjectives, the complement
expresses the cause of the emotional state and may be
realized in Italian as an infinitive with di or with a
prepositional phrase.
In the case of agent- oriented adjectives, the complement
expresses the manifestation of the state and can be
realized as an infinitive with nel / a or with a
prepositional phrase.
Mental state adjectives
There is no neat distinction temporary vs. permanent
properties but rich conceptual knowledge about typical or
possible temporal extensions of properties. This gradience
depends on:
- the event that causes the state for emotional adjectives;
- the preposition that introduces the verbal phrase for
agent- oriented adjectives;
- locative and temporal modifiers.
Mental state adjectives
Somebody (x) is
in a state because
of an experiencing
event (e2) which
can have a further
manifestation (e3)
Mental state adjectives
Somebody is in a
state (e1) which can
have a manifestation
(e3)
Mental state adjectives
The headless MSAs in contexts are unspecified: the stative
and eventual meanings can combine in different ways.
Bouillon’s classification of MSAs based on the head
position:
- if in a context the adjective has the head on the formal
role, it has a stative sense;
- if in a context the adjective has the head on the telic role,
it has a manifestation sense;
- if in a context the adjective has the head on the agentive
role, it has a causative sense.
The data
(6) a. Maria è felice/ triste.
“Mary is happy/ sad”.
b. A Venezia Maria è felice/
triste.
“In Venice Mary is happy/
sad”.
c. Maria è felice/ triste di
partire.
“Mary is happy/ sad to leave”.
d. Maria è felice/ triste nel
suonare il piano.
“Maria is happy/ sad at playing
the piano”.
(7) a. ! Marco è abile.
b. Marco è abile negli scacchi.
“Marco is skilful at chess”.
c. Marco è abile nello sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
d. Marco è abile a sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
The data
6 (a) Maria è felice/ triste.
“Mary is happy/ sad”.
Two persistent properties that hold simultaneously.
The data
6 (b) A Venezia Maria è felice/ triste.
“In Venice Mary is happy/ sad”.
Transitory properties are situated but can regularly occur: “When Maria
is in Venice, she is happy” OR “Maria is constantly in Venice, therefore
she is happy” (ILP).
The data
6 (d) Maria è felice/ triste nel suonare il piano.
“Maria is happy/ sad at playing the piano”.
If the event is a manifestation of Maria’s sadness, the
property sad is unspecified from a temporal point of view:
is it an ILP or a SLP?
The data
6 (c) Maria è felice/ triste di partire.
“Mary is happy/ sad to leave”.
Maria is happy when the event to leave has its accomplishment: her
happiness has a strong peak.
The data
7 (c) Marco è abile nello sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
(d) Marco è abile a sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
Two different temporal mappings of the same event, realized through a
different preposition.
Different temporal mappings of the same
event
8 (a) Oggi Marco è abile nello sparare.
→ Marco has acquired an ability.
(b) Oggi Marco è abile a sparare.
→ In temporal interval, Marco display an ability.
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There are two different modes of “coming into being” of an
individual and this information is encoded in the
AGENTIVE role (Busa 1996).
An event which is interpreted relative to an ability is fully
intensional – it’s a stative predicate -. When we interpret an
event relative to habit, an extensional component is
introduced.
Different temporal mappings of the same
event
7 (c) Marco è abile nello sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
(d) Marco è abile a sparare.
“Marco is skilful at shooting”.
In (7c) we have a kind of activity that usually is performed well while in
(7d) this activity is performed well in temporal intervals that can be
specified pragmatically.
Conclusion (with an open question)
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We can conceptualize not just prototypical IL/SL
properties
The stage- level/individual- level distinction is not a
purely grammatical distinction reflecting an underlying
conceptual opposition. The same property can have
different temporal extensions modulated by linguistic
contexts.
Are semantic representations encoded by GL a good
ground for light forms of pragmatic enrichment?
The data
6 (b) A Venezia Maria è felice/ triste.
“In Venice Mary is happy/ sad”.
Transitory properties are situated but can regularly occur: “When
Maria is in Venice, she is happy” OR “Maria is constantly in Venice,
therefore she is happy” (ILP).