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Contents
Acknowledgments
Introduction:
The Appropriation of Mazzini’s Thought and
the Crisis of Italian Democracy
Translated by Sergio Knipe
ix
1
1
Giuseppe Mazzini and the Religion of the Nation
Translated by Sergio Knipe
11
2
From Poetry to Prose
Translated by Oona Smyth
31
3
Mazzini in the New Century
Translated by Oona Smyth
49
4
The Nation’s Duties between War and Postwar
Translated by Oona Smyth
69
5
Fascism, Antifascism, and the Religion of the Nation
Translated by Oona Smyth
87
Conclusion: A Religion of the Nation without a
Civil Religion
Translated by Oona Smyth
Afterword:
Mazzini, the Risorgimento, and the Origins of
Fascism
Translated by Oona Smyth
107
113
Notes
121
Select Bibliography
179
Index
195
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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI AND THE ORIGINS OF FASCISM
Copyright © Simon Levis Sullam 2015
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this
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First published 2015 by
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DOI: 10.1057/9781137514592
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Levis Sullam, Simon.
[Apostolo a brandelli. English]
Giuseppe Mazzini and the origins of fascism / Simon Levis Sullam ;
[translated by Sergio Knipe and Oona Smyth].
pages cm.—(Italian and Italian American studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–1–137–51458–5 (hardback : alkaline paper)
1. Mazzini, Giuseppe, 1805–1872—Political and social views.
2. Mazzini, Giuseppe, 1805–1872—Influence. 3. Fascism—Italy—History.
4. Nationalism—Italy—Religious aspects—History—19th century.
5. Civil religion—Italy—History—19th century. 6. Democracy—
Italy—History—19th century. 7. Revolutionaries—Italy—Biography.
8. Statesmen—Italy—Biography. 9. Italy—Politics and government—
1815–1870. 10. Italy—Politics and government—1914-1945. I. Title.
DG552.8.M3L4813 2015
320.53⬘3092—dc23
2015016215
A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.
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Introduction
The Appropriation of Mazzini’s
Thought and the Crisis of
Italian Democracy
Translated by
Sergio Knipe
The Apostle in Shreds
Often, upon the publication of the hundred-odd volumes of the
national edition [of Giuseppe Mazzini’s writings], I have found the
Duce at Palazzo Venezia engrossed in its dense pages. Or rather, as
if to stab them, he would plunge his metal paper knife into them—
and pull out shreds of Mazzini. Now anti-French shreds, now an antiEnlightenment shred, now an anti-British or anti-Socialist one, and so
on. In shreds, never whole, in his lively, multifaceted and indeed varied
personality.1
On October 14, 1943, in the tragic season of the Italian Social
Republic (RSI), Giuseppe Bottai evoked this scene in his journal,
under the title Ripresa mazziniana? According to Bottai, Mazzini
was a relatively recent discovery for the Duce: “I have already written about Mussolini’s fundamental, almost physiological, organic
and temperamental ‘antipathy’ towards the great Genoese.” 2 The
Duce had turned to Mazzini only when the world war was about
to break out. A few years earlier, on May 31, 1939, Bottai had written: “For the first time I have heard Mussolini speak sympathetically about the Apostle, his political sensibility, and his prophetic
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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI AND THE ORIGINS OF FASCISM
intuitions.”3 One year later, during another hearing at Palazzo
Venezia, Mussolini had a volume of the national edition before him
and “pointed to some underlined sentences. He read a few which
resounded with the Genoese proudly calling for Italy to embrace
a higher moral life [ . . . ] In a contemptuous voice he threw the
Apostle’s words in the face of a hypothetical contradictor [ . . . ] The
message was clear: Mazzini was being called to the rescue against
the enemies of the Axis.”4
This Mazzini “in shreds, never whole”—as captured in one of the
gloomiest moments in the history of Italy—sheds light on some of
the central aspects of Mazzini’s influence and standing in twentieth-century Italian political thought: the many interpretations, new
readings, and political uses made of Mazzini, and his periodic recurrence or resurfacing, especially in periods of cultural and political
crisis. The pages from Bottai’s journal also raise the specific question of Mazzini’s role in Italian fascism: his role in the definition of
fascism developed by figures such as Mussolini, Bottai, and particularly—as we shall see—Giovanni Gentile; the constant appeal to
Mazzini made at the beginning of the fascist movement by people
such as Italo Balbo and Dino Grandi, or by political trends such as
the syndicalist, from Fiume to corporatism; and finally his reemergence in the twilight phase of Salò. Mazzini is equally known to
have featured in antifascist literature, frequently in connection with
figures and works such as those of Gaetano Salvemini and Nello
Rosselli; Mazzini’s name is often associated with the inspiring principles of the movement Giustizia e Libertà; and Garibaldi, Mazzini,
and Risorgimento democracy, more broadly, were often invoked as
symbols during the Resistance.
The underlying questions this book seeks to address are the
following: How can Mazzini have been present in such a variety
of ways in the political thought and struggles of Italy, beyond his
unifying role as father of the country? How can Mazzini’s legacy
have generated opposing political stances—especially as regards
the contrast between fascism and antifascism—which continued to
appeal to his thought? What have been the ideological and political
consequences of these contrasting readings? I shall answer these
questions by reconstructing certain central aspects of Mazzini’s
thought and by examining certain examples of the high regard in
which he was held. I will show how these can shed light on the
emergence of antidemocratic tendencies in Italian political thought
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INTRODUCTION
3
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, leading to the
rise of fascism.
Besides, if, in the case of Germany, studies have been undertaken
of the outgrowth of Nazism from the ideological traditions of the
German nineteenth century, 5 why was this not done in the case
of Italy and fascism? Along with the proximate origins of fascism
in European and Italian thought (e.g., Nietzsche, Le Bon, Sorel,
or, in the case of Italy, D’Annunzio and early-twentieth-centuryFlorentine magazines), and despite the decisive impact of the First
World War in terms of the renewal of political cultures, 6 in the case
of Italy too it seems necessary to take account of more long-term
ideological influences. Inherited from the Risorgimento,7 these
were passed down to liberal Italy and finally drawn upon by fascism as a source of inspiration. This kind of appeal—and particularly perhaps the invoking of Mazzini—is generally acknowledged
to have possessed an ideological character, in a derogatory sense
(and in what follows I shall be exploring what I mean by the ideological reading and use of ideas of the past). Still—to return to the
parallel with the German experience—we should bear in mind that
even the fathers of German nationalism, Herder and Fichte, were
made the object of interpretations, new readings, and uses after the
unification of Germany 8 without this preventing the historiography on the origins of Nazism from assessing their long-term legacy
and responsibility, so to speak.
In a sense, the issue of the relation between the Risorgimento and
fascism has rarely been approached for the same reason that fascist
culture and intellectuals were not studied for a long time. That is,
because fascism has been depicted as being “anti-Risorgimento”—to
quote an expression first used by Luigi Salvatorelli—just as much
as it has been regarded as being “anti-culture.” Similarly, the utter
foreignness of fascism to previous Italian history was affirmed,
without really investigating the nature of the political thought of
the Risorgimento, including its democratic currents, the characteristics of Italian liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (from Mazzini to, say, Gioberti), and the survival
of certain aspects of this thought in fascist ideology—and not
just in terms of their instrumental and ideological use. The present research, therefore, aims instead to explore the question of the
most remote roots of the crisis of Italian democracy by focusing on
one of its most controversial aspects: the relation between Mazzini,
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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI AND THE ORIGINS OF FASCISM
one of the leading representatives and theorizers of Risorgimento
democracy, and the fascists—those who most staunchly claimed
to be his heirs, original interpreters, and torchbearers in the twentieth century, albeit in the name of principles that were often different from, or even contrary to, those which Mazzini himself had
preached.
While it is true that most of the political readings and appropriations of Mazzinian thought were based on the toning down, subordination, complete forgoing or, possibly, censoring of its central aspects
(whether republicanism, its religious component, or its original
democratic overtones), it must be noted that most of these appropriations between 1870 and 1945 were informed by an authoritarian and
antidemocratic perspective. One might also reconstruct the criticism
that, from the 1850s, was leveled at Mazzinian thought by men of his
own time, from within his own ranks, on account of its conservative
or authoritarian components. Finally, one might examine how this
criticism was carried on at crucial moments of Mazzini’s popularity
at the hands of those people who most contributed to passing down
and rekindling his memory: for instance, the historian of literature
Francesco De Sanctis in the aftermath of Italian unification, or the
historian Gaetano Salvemini in the early twentieth century. This
criticism laid the foundation for a strong distancing from Mazzini
on the part of democrats and especially antifascists, often through a
downright theoretical and political rejection of his thought.
Mazzini the Fascist and Mazzini the Antifascist
Certainly, the theoretical indefiniteness and formulaic nature of
Mazzini’s writings, filled as they are with highly evocative yet illdefined slogans and mottoes, favored—and contributes to explaining—the various appropriations that have been made of Mazzinian
thought. Suffice it to think of terms such as “people” or “mission,” or
of formulas such as “thought and action,” which may be interpreted in
democratic and progressive terms just as much as in antidemocratic,
reactionary, or even violent ones, as was ultimately the case with fascism. Yet we know from reception theory how contexts influence the
reading of texts and discourses and how every reading also constitutes an appropriation.9 With respect to the reception and fortune
of Mazzini, and the politically opposite readings he has been made
the object of, I shall be drawing a distinction in this book between
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5
ideological appropriation (on the fascist side) and symbolic appropriation (by the antifascists).
I define ideological appropriation as the reinterpretation of
Mazzini’s thought and its inclusion within a given ideological discourse, project, or vision. What I mean by ideology is, on the one
hand (in nonevaluative terms), a series of cultural and conceptual
elements that define a given political project or tendency; on the
other hand, it is a vision that (according to the original Marxian
conception of ideology) contains a distorting element, since it is
used—or so that it may be used—to serve a specific political vision
or program.10 Ideological appropriation still draws upon intrinsic elements of Mazzinian thought, such as, for instance, the concepts of nation, deity, and people. Such appropriation, moreover,
can—and often does—operate in a partial and selective manner:
by emphasizing certain elements and downplaying, or even disregarding, others. I believe that most ideological appropriations of
Mazzini and his thought in the closing decades of the nineteenth
century and in the early twentieth century were of an authoritarian,
conservative, and, often markedly, antidemocratic sort. No doubt,
this political tendency was the result of an ideological transformation engendered by a change in political and cultural contexts,
whereby new or different meanings came to be assigned to established terms and concepts. I would nonetheless argue that these
conservative and authoritarian readings of Mazzini did not simply
stem from a distortion of his thought, but rather were also based on
a patriotic language Mazzini had indeed formulated. This was the
expression of a preceptive and paternalistic ideological core with
authoritarian streaks that Mazzini conveyed through an irrationalist political style based on the use of symbolic terms and formulas aimed at eliciting subordination and submission.11 Mazzini’s
thought belongs to the history of European liberalism and was
originally founded upon the humanitarian and irenic concept of
nationality—which is to state the idea that each nation possesses
distinctive features which each people has the right to uphold, in
harmony with the features and rights of neighboring peoples. This
thought, however, also contains elements that partially contradict
the premises of the liberal conception: for it partially neutralizes
the revolutionary aspect of the French voluntaristic idea of nation
by attributing sovereignty to God as well as to people, thus weakening the concept of popular sovereignty; it is founded on a harsh
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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI AND THE ORIGINS OF FASCISM
critique of the French Revolution, stressing duties over rights; and
last but not least, it calls for an irrationalist and monistic adherence
to the nation.12 Many of these elements were strongly emphasized
in the antidemocratic appropriations of Mazzini, which would prevail on the Italian political scene and in Italian public discourse in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
What I instead call the symbolic appropriation of Mazzini is a kind
of reading and interpretation that turns to Mazzini as a symbol—as a
patriot, hero, or ethical figure, for instance—without any references
to his thought and indeed by generally rejecting its political content as authoritarian, theistic, and antidemocratic. This reading is
found in embryonic form in the critical analyses made by De Sanctis
and Bakunin, and was already partly foreshadowed by Mazzini’s followers (from Pisacane to Mario). It later took the form of an often
radical or even destructive criticism of Mazzinian thought in the
interpretations of Gaetano Salvemini, Alessandro Levi, Guido De
Ruggero, and Benedetto Croce. Finally, it became central to antifascism, in its various components: from the socialist to the liberal,
from the Marxist to Giustizia e Libertà and to the Partito d’Azione.13
In his Prison Notebooks, in the mid-1930s, Antonio Gramsci—in
the wake of the quarrel that almost a century earlier had broken out
between Mazzini and Marx—described Mazzinian thought as “hazy
claims” and “empty chatter.” And already by the early 1920s Piero
Gobetti had opened his work La rivoluzione liberale (“On Liberal
Revolution”) with the words: “If they ask us for symbols: we prefer
Cattaneo to Gioberti, Marx to Mazzini.” Beyond the Marxist tradition, in 1926 even Carlo Rosselli—who was an heir to the Mazzinian
tradition for family reasons and who later continued to refer to
Mazzini as a symbol of patriotism and heroism—explicitly distanced
himself from the man: “We are not followers of Mazzini, we do not
accept his system.”14
Founding Fathers
One should not underestimate the fact that the symbolic appropriation of Mazzini was made both in the name of revolution and in
that of order. In other words, Mazzini’s myth functioned at times
in contradictory ways, not unlike that of other founding figures:15
Napoleon, Washington, and Lincoln, for instance, or, in the case
of Italy, Garibaldi. These figures have been represented as political
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INTRODUCTION
7
heroes, founding fathers, and saviours of the nation. As such, they
have been evoked and claimed by different political sides at different times, often in ways that contrast with their actual profiles and
historical accomplishments.16 The parallel drawn with the myth of
Napoleon might seem incongruous, but is in fact revealing in terms
of how symbols work. Like Napoleon, Mazzini has variously been
depicted as a Prometheus,17 Christ, or a Socrates-like figure:18 for
he embodies a fundamental type that may be identified in national
political mythologies, namely that of the “saviour,” in its prophet
variant.19 Particularly well known is the parallel between Mazzini
and Moses, which was first drawn by De Sanctis: just as Moses led
the chosen people into the Promised Land without being able to
enter it himself, so did Mazzini disappear just after Italy’s unification, banished and kept under surveillance (if not openly persecuted) by a monarchy that stood for the very opposite of the republic
he had dreamt of. We can therefore apply to Mazzini and his contexts of appropriations what has been written about Napoleon:
Marked and conditioned by the context of the events in which it
develops, a myth can thus appear . . . as a sort of ideological indicator, the reflection of a system of values or way of thinking. It is
enough to follow the posthumous destiny of the Napoleonic legend to detect in the Napoleon of the romantics, that of the men
of 1848 and that of the literary youth of the fin de siè cle one of the
privileged images for crystallising the ambitions, drives, phantoms and certainties of each generation, in all of their diversity and
contradictoriness. 20
Likewise, Mazzini’s myth in Italy crystallized the phantoms, as
well as the ambitions and ideals, of different political sides, at different moments and with different motivations.
Another possible parallel which has been drawn in different and
often opposite manners and contexts is that between Mazzini and
Nietzsche, who stands half way between a symbol and an intellectual father figure. 21 Without wishing to compare Nietzsche’s
intellectual stature to that of Mazzini, the case of the philosopher
may be seen to illustrate the simultaneously symbolical and political appropriation of a thinker who is reckoned among the inspirers of fascist ideologies. 22 As with Mazzini, the protean and pithy
nature of Nietzsche’s thought has been stressed, which makes it
open to decontextualized redeployments: like Mazzini’s writings,
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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI AND THE ORIGINS OF FASCISM
the writings of the German thinker have been made the object of
“projections” and “selection” processes through their insertion
or “anchoring” in new contexts, with “eclectic” and “syncretistic”
results. As has been observed with regard to Nietzsche, a special
affinity is to be found between Mazzini and “post-liberal moods”
and atmospheres. Both figures, each in his own context, offered
the possibility to “express a mounting political dissatisfaction” in
the name of “protest” and the “reform” of the system. No doubt,
both contributed to engendering—through their reception, but
also through certain characteristic aspects of their thought—“ill
defined” ideologies. This again raises the question of the influence
the two thinkers had upon the genesis of fascism as an ideology
wavering between right and left, revolution and reaction. 23
In his book Ventiquattro cervelli, Giovanni Papini recalls the
episode of the encounter between the aged Mazzini and the young
Nietzsche, and observes:
Who would have imagined to see Mazzini crossing the life of
Nietzsche—the man of men’s duties and the moral mission with
that of bodily rights and the reversal of values? [ . . . ] In 1871
Nietzsche crossed the Gotthard Pass on his way to Lugano. On his
coach he met an old man and struck up a conversation with him.
The two grew enthused and found themselves in agreement about a
number of things. The old man cited one of Goethe’s finest maxims
to Nietzsche: Sich des halben zu entwohnen und in Ganzen, Vollen,
Schönen, resolut zu leben [Free yourself from compromise and resolutely live out what is complete, full and beautiful]. Nietzsche was
never to forget either this thought or the man who had mentioned it
to him. That old enthusiast was Mazzini. Nietzsche was later to say
[ . . . ]: There is no man I worship as much as Mazzini. And he was
being sincere: let this reconcile those who would claim that a clear
discord exists between the two heroes. 24
Thinking back about that encounter on the Gotthard, we might ask
ourselves: Was this a way of passing on the torch from the religious
spirit of nineteenth-century nationalisms to the irreligious demon
of those of the twentieth century, or was it rather the meeting of two
idols of modern politics, an unwitting foreshadowing of their later
success in fascist regimes? As unstable and incoherent intellectual
influences and political symbols, Mazzini and Nietzsche certainly
contributed—not least through appropriations and reinterpretations25 —to the formation and later crises of the national ideologies
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9
of their own countries. In the case of Italy, analyzing the genesis of
Mazzinian thought, and the fortune and influence of the “Apostle,”
can help shed light on the continuity and changes in Italian politics
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as on the
weakness of certain defining features of Risorgimento democracy,
and on the most remote roots of the ideological development from
which fascism eventually arose.
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Index
Abbagnano, Nicola, 126
actualism, 89, 90, 97, 117, 163, 169
Adamson, Walter, 146
Adorni, Daniela, 136
Agosti, Giorgio, 148
Albanese, Giulia, 152
Alexander, Jeffrey C., 131
Alfieri, Vittorio, 43, 91, 96, 164
Alighieri, Dante, 28, 31, 40, 42, 71,
118, 159
Altan, Carlo Tullio, 172, 173
Amendola, Giovanni, 143, 162, 168
antifascism
attitude towards Mazzini, 6, 84,
96–106, 108, 122, 162, 157, 159,
160, 162, 164, 165, 168, 169,
170, 177
Arendt, Hannah, 113, 172
Arisi Rota, Arianna, 172
Armellini, Giuseppe, 28
Art
Mazzini’s conception of, 24–5
Artom, Eugenio, 135, 137
Aschheim, Steven E., 123
Asheri, Maia, 12, 144, 154, 177
Asor Rosa, Alberto, 127, 140
Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, 168
Aulard, François-Alphonse, 130
Bagatin, Pier Luigi, 135
Bagnoli, Paolo, 164
Baioni, Massimo, 28
Bakounin, Mikhail, 6, 35
criticism of Mazzini, 36, 71, 119, 138
Balbo, Cesare, 88
Balbo, Fausto, 80
Balbo, Italo, 2, 78, 156
as interpreter of Mazzini, 80–1,
117, 157
Baldoli, Claudia, 151
Balzani, Roberto, 134
Banti, Alberto M., 114, 123, 174,
175, 176
Barbera (publishing house), 139
Bargellini, Piero, 147
Barnard, Frederick M., 121
Barthes, Roland, 122
Battaglia, Roberto, 138
Battisti, Cesare, 70, 151
Battistini, Andrea, 143
Bava Beccaris, Fiorenzo, 61
Bayly, Christopher A., 130, 174
Beckford, James A., 172
Belardelli, Giovanni, 124, 151, 152,
165, 172, 177
Bell, David A., 130
Bellah, Robert, 172
Bellezza, Vito A., 160
Benedetti, Paolo, 152, 153, 154
Bénichou, Paul, 131
Benini, Aroldo, 142
Berengo, Marino, 148
Berrini, Gian Paolo, 150
Bertani, Agostino, 138
Berti, Giampietro, 128
Biagini, Eugenio, 130, 174
Bianchi, Michele, 74
Bible, 19
Mazzini influenced by, 12, 19
Biguzzi, Stefano, 151
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196
INDEX
Bismarck, Otto von, 135, 142
Bissolati, Leonida, 62, 148, 151
Bobbio, Norberto, 113, 148, 159, 174
Bocchi, Andrea, 174
Bocchiola, Marco Aurelio, 177
Bollati, Giulio, 127
Bonald, Louis de, 132
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 7, 122, 123, 142
Bonavino, Cristoforo. See Franchi,
Ausonio
Bonelli, Ippolito, 132
Bonini, Francesco, 137
Bonomi, Ivanoe, 173
Bonucci, Marie-Anne Matard, 176
Bottai, Giuseppe, 1–2, 117, 118, 154,
156, 162, 177
Bouglé, Charles, 131
Bovio, Giovanni, 123, 139
Bracco, Barbara, 150
Brice, Catherine, 171
Bruno, Giordano, 41
Bucchi, Sergio, 148
Buchez, Philippe, 132
Burleigh, Michael, 130
Byron, George, 25
Caesarism, 105, 137, 160
Caffi, Andrea, 100, 166
Cafiero, Carlo, 35
Campanella, Francesco, 13
Campolonghi, Luigi, 76, 155
Candeloro, Giorgio, 133
Cantimori, Carlo, 156
Cantimori, Delio, 156
Capanna, Francesco, 163
Capone, Alfredo, 162
Caprioglio, Sergio, 159
Carducci, Giosuè, 37, 38, 45, 52, 54, 71,
73, 101, 109, 123, 139, 140, 143
aesthetic and political theories,
39–41
as heir to and interpreter of
Mazzini’s ideals, 38–42, 123
monarchy, attitude towards, 39–41
poetry about Mazzini, 40, 73, 120,
123, 140
religiosity, 41–2, 141
republicanism, 39, 41, 42
Carnaro, Charter of (1919), 75, 77, 79,
117, 154, 155
Casini, Anna Paszkowski, 146
Castelli, Alberto, 166
Casucci, Costanzo, 167
Catalano, Franco, 139
Catholicism, influence of, 108, 109,
110, 113, 118, 126, 129, 141, 147,
162, 164
Cattaneo, Carlo, 6, 34, 61, 62, 67, 84,
97, 148
Cavaglion, Alberto, 157, 159
Cavallera, Hervé A., 160, 161
Cavallotti, Felice, 138
Cavazza, Stefano, 172
Cavour, Camillo Benso, 34, 37, 57,
65, 79
Ceccuti, Cosimo, 139
Cervetti, Valerio, 155
Chabod, Federico, 132, 136
Charles Albert (king of Italy), 27, 28,
53, 71, 100
Charlisle, Robert B., 128
Chateaubriand, Renée de, 62
Chiaromonte, Nicola, 100, 167
Christian Democracy, 109
Church
influence of, 108, 109, 110, 118, 141,
149, 163, 173
influence on Mazzini, 64, 105
see also State, relationship with the
Church according to Mazzini
Cianferotti, Giulio, 157
Cingari, Gaetano, 148
Ciuffoletti, Zeffiro, 165, 167
civil religion, 129, 159, 171, 172
in Italy, 107–11, 116, 118, 120, 172,
174, 177
civil war (Italian, 1943–45), 108, 111, 170
Colajanni, Napoleone, 51, 142, 145, 149
communism, 113
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
Communist party, 109
interpretation of Mazzini, 102–3
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INDEX
Conti, Fulvio, 134, 138
Coquin, François-Xavier, 129
corporatism, 75–8, 79, 81, 102, 117,
154, 156
Corradini, Enrico, 54–5, 103, 144, 177
Corridoni, Filippo, 80
Costa, Andrea, 78
Costa, Piero, 132
counter-revolution
influence on Mazzini, 18, 44,
131, 132
Crispi, Francesco, 31, 34, 38, 40, 41,
45, 109, 116, 135, 136, 137
cult by Carducci, 40
dispute with Mazzini (1864), 28–9,
134
as heir to and interpreter of
Mazzini, 31–4, 135, 136
nation, conception of, 34
republicanism, 135
State, conception of, 33, 34, 136
Cristi, Marcela, 171
Critica, La, 88, 97, 98, 146, 161, 162,
169, 170
Croce, Benedetto, 6, 37, 38, 42, 55, 69,
88, 96, 97, 140, 145, 162, 163,
164, 169, 172
correspondence and relationship
with George Sorel, 55–8, 144,
146
as interpreter of Mazzini, 56, 93–6,
119, 163
Cuoco, Vincenzo, 91
Cuore (novel, 1886), 140
treatment of Mazzini, 37
Curiel, Eugenio, 170
D’Annunzio, Gabriele, 3, 52, 75, 77,
101, 103, 154, 155
Dawson, Lorne L., 173
De Ambris, Alceste, 72, 75–7, 117, 152,
154, 155
State, conception of, 76, 77
De Amicis, Edmondo, 37, 140
De Felice, Renzo, 153, 154, 165
De Meis, Angelo Camillo, 138, 159
197
De Pourtalès, Guido, 125
De Ruggero, Guido, 6, 97–8, 165
De Sanctis, Francesco, 4, 6, 7, 35, 36,
55, 85, 94, 95, 139, 163
criticism of Mazzini, 36, 56, 85, 94,
95, 119
Degli Innocenti, Maurizio, 152
Del Balzo, Carlo, 50
Del Bo, Giuseppe, 139
Del Noce, Augusto, 160
Della Peruta, Franco, 128, 133
Della Seta, Ugo, 157, 168
Della Terza, Dante, 140
Demerath III, Nicholas J., 172
democracy
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
democratic interventionism (in the
First world war), 66, 70, 151,
159
Di Nucci, Loreto, 173
Diriani, Ennio, 141
Doveri dell’uomo
see Duties of Man, On
Duggan, Christopher, 116, 135, 136
Duties of Man, On
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
duty
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
Eco, Umberto, 122
Einaudi, Giulio, 169
Einaudi (publishing house), 103
Engelbrecht, Helmuth C., 122
Engels, Friedrich, 35, 85, 139, 145
Farini, Luigi Carlo, 26, 134
fascism
as anti-Risorgimento, 3, 103, 168
attitude towards Mazzini, 2, 67,
73–5, 78–81, 86, 90–3, 106,
108, 109, 116, 117, 121, 123,
152, 168, 170
conception of youth, 92
Manifesto by fascist intellectuals
(1925), 93, 162
as “new liberalism,” 103
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fascism—Continued
as political religion, 87, 92–3, 109,
118, 129, 162, 163, 172
Scuola di Mistica Fascista, 117, 177
as “third way,” 119
as totalitarianism, 91–2, 116, 130
Fazio, Domenico M., 123
Ferrari, Giuseppe, 61
Ferraris, Angiola, 129
Ferrero, Guglielmo, 34, 137
Ferri, Enrico, 63, 149
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 3, 12, 121,
122, 126
Fincardi, Marco, 171
Finelli, Michele, 143
Finelli, Pietro, 137
Fiori, Simonetta, 175
Fiume, exploit by D’Annunzio, 72,
75–7, 79, 117, 154
Flores, Marcello, 175
Foa, Vittorio, 151, 166
Fogazzaro, Antonio, 52, 143
Foscolo, Ugo, 25, 43, 71
Foucault, Michel, 122
Fournier, Laura Finocchiaro, 141
Franchi, Ausonio (pseudonym of
Cristoforo Bonavino), 26,
134
Franzinelli, Mimmo, 166
Freeden, Michael, 174
freemasonry, 138
Fretigné, Jean-Yves, 128, 143
Frigessi, Delia, 147
Furet, François, 24, 132
Furiozzi, Gian Biagio, 155
Galante Garrone, Alessandro, 128,
138, 148, 149, 167, 168
Galasso, Giuseppe, 162
Galimberti, Alice Schanzer, 168
Galimberti, Duccio, 167
Gallarati Scotti, Tommaso, 51, 143
Galli Della Loggia, Ernesto, 173
Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 11, 29, 31, 34,
35, 137
biography of, 139
Carducci’s interpretation of, 40
as character in Cuore, 37
as founding figure, 6
Mussolini’s interpretation of, 73
myth of, 2, 123
Oriani’s interpretation of, 142
Pascoli’s interpretation of, 54
presence in the First world war, 70
presence in the Italian Resistance,
103
Salvemini’s interpretation of, 61,
65, 148
Garin, Eugenio, 159
Garrone, brothers, 69
Gentile, Emilio, 115, 116, 121, 124,
129, 144, 146, 156, 162, 173,
174, 177
Gentile, Giovanni, 2, 69, 74, 77, 84, 85,
97, 105, 160, 163, 164, 169
as interpreter of Mazzini, 87–93, 97,
103, 104, 116, 117, 118, 158, 159,
160, 161, 162, 168, 169
Gentili, Sandro, 146
Germany
referred to by Mazzini, 22
Gerratana, Valentino, 167
Ghisleri, Arcangelo, 142 148, 159
Giannantoni, Simona, 164
Giarrizzo, Giuseppe, 148
Ginsborg, Paul, 123
Ginzburg, Leone, 170
Gioberti, Vincenzo, 3, 6, 12, 46, 87–9,
90, 97, 103, 160, 173
Giovine Europa (movement), 22, 66
legacy, 66
Giovine Italia (movement), 17, 22, 54,
58, 92, 93, 115, 125, 162
Girardet, Raoul, 123
Girardon, Mario, 152
Giustizia e Libertà (movement), 2,
99–102, 105, 164, 166, 167, 177
Gobetti, Piero, 98, 164, 165
criticism of Mazzini, 6, 96–7, 119
God
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
Goethe, Wolfgang, 25, 134, 142
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Golomb, Jacob, 123
Gori, Gianfranco Miro, 143
Gospels, 59, 105, 129
Gracchus, Caius, 40
Gramsci, Antonio, 43, 65, 141, 164, 167
criticism of Mazzini, 6, 102–3,
119, 158
Grandi, Dino, 2, 78–80, 156, 157
as interpreter of Mazzini, 78–80, 117
Grandi, Terenzio, 125, 142, 155
Graubard, Steven A., 172
Graziano, Manlio, 116, 174, 177
Gregor, James A., 116, 161, 176
Gregory XVI, pope, 128
Grelot, Pierre, 131
Griffin, Roger, 177
Grillparzer, Franz, 170
Guaiana, Yuri, 172
Guerrazzi, Francesco Domenico, 43
Guerri, Giordano Bruno, 156, 157
Guizot, François, 13
Halévy, Elie, 131
Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich
influence of, 46, 95, 116, 117, 119,
137, 138, 164
Herder, Johann Gottfried, 3, 121
Hunt, Lynn, 24, 131, 133
ideological appropriation
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
ideology, 5, 8, 38, 113, 122, 174
Iggers, Georg, 128, 131
imperialism, 46, 47, 54, 55, 66, 100,
104, 109, 118, 136, 137,
157, 159
Ireland
referred to by Mazzini, 16
irredentismo, movement, 70
Isnenghi, Mario, 121, 123, 143, 151
Italy
fiftieth anniversary (1911), 53
international role according to
Crispi, 33–4
myth of Third Italy, 40, 43, 46, 54,
129, 143, 159 (see also Rome)
199
jacobinism, 124
Jansenism, 89, 96
Jemolo, Arturo Carlo, 135, 136
Jesus Christ, 7, 12, 64, 71, 123, 126,
158
Joachim of Fiore, 105
Kant, Immanuel, 12
Kantorowicz, Ernst H., 130
Kertzer, David I., 172
King, Bolton, 58, 139, 146, 161, 164, 166
Kipling, Rudyard, 104
Kohn, Hans, 121
Kossuth, Lajos, 60
Labriola, Antonio, 137
Lambruschini, Raffaello, 88
Lamennais, Felicité de, 12–13, 16, 89,
128, 147
influence on Mazzini, 12–13, 15–17,
27, 46, 126, 128
Landucci, Sergio, 139
Le Bon, Gustave, 3
Ledeen, Michael A., 152
Leining, Arthur, 139
Lelewel, Joachim, 128
Léon-Dufour, Xavier, 131
Leone, Enrico, 148
Lescure, Jean-Claude, 135
Leuzzi, Maria Fubini, 134
Levi, Alessandro, 6, 90, 98, 123, 124,
126, 157, 158, 165
as interpreter of Mazzini, 81–4, 90,
98, 99, 103, 122, 157, 158, 160,
167
Levi, Carlo, 96, 164
Levis Sullam, Simon, 175
Levra, Umberto, 135, 137
liberalism. See Mazzini, Giuseppe
liberty, 42, 43, 46, 53, 56, 70, 76, 77,
79, 85, 90, 95, 96, 100, 102, 103,
117, 129, 137, 167, 168, 174
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
Libya
Italy’s war on (1911), 54, 65, 116,
142, 157
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Lincoln, Abraham, 6
Lodolini, Armando, 176
Lombroso, Cesare, 34
Luca, Fabio, 172
Lussu, Emilio, 101, 167
Luzzatto, Sergio, 138
Mack Smith, Denis, 128
Macchia, Guglielmo, 125
Machiavelli, Niccolò, 12, 31
Maier, Hans, 130
Maistre, Joseph De, 18–19, 46, 131, 132
Malusardi, Edoardo, 176
Mancini, Pasquale Stanislao, 115, 175
Mangoni, Luisa, 137, 170
Manzoni, Alessandro, 43, 88, 126,
173
Margherita (queen of Italy), 39, 139
Mario, Alberto, 6, 99, 134
criticism and praise of Mazzini, 27,
28, 35
Mario, Jessie White, 37, 123, 139
Martini, Ferdinando, 135
Marx, Karl, 6, 63, 71, 72, 76, 85, 86,
88–9, 97, 102, 117, 118, 139,
145, 151, 158, 160
marxism, 99
Masci, Filippo, 160
Maslowski, Michel, 129
Mastellone, Salvo, 127, 132, 165
Mathiez, Albert, 131
Maurras, Charles, 104
Maver, Giovanni, 129
Mazzini, Giuseppe
aesthetic theories, 25
anticlericalism, 109
art, conception of, 24–5
authoritarianism criticized, 6, 25,
35, 49, 51, 56–7, 82, 84, 119,
148, 166
authority, conception of, 46, 77,
82–3, 110, 117
biographies, 37, 58, 63, 99, 101, 123,
139, 143, 146, 158, 161, 164
centenary of birth (1905), 52, 139,
143, 159
communism, attitude towards, 15,
117
Council of Humanity, theory of,
64, 110
cult by Extreme Left, 35, 37
death, 35, 40, 137, 138
decline of influence, 35, 45
dehestoricized, 37, 53
democracy, conception of, 14, 15,
28, 83, 117, 162
dictatorship, conception of, 136
Duties of Man (Doveri dell’uomo),
11–15, 83, 97, 110, 123, 125,
126, 127, 151, 158, 174
censored school edition (1905),
49–51, 63, 108, 141, 143, 144
criticized, 97, 141, 142, 148
popularity, 69, 125, 141, 151, 152
praised, 97, 101
duty, conception of, 11–13, 14, 63,
83, 84, 109
criticized, 25
praised, 46, 73, 74
editions of writings, 78, 90, 142,
164, 169, 170
education, conception of, 14, 83, 95,
118, 127, 143
Europeanist ideals, 36, 95, 104, 168,
171
fatherland, conception of, 14, 31,
50, 104
Foi et Avenir (Faith and Future), 11,
13, 21, 126, 128
formulaic style, 4, 15, 22
as founding figure, 6–7
French Revolution, 6, 13, 15, 21, 27,
32, 43, 63, 82, 84, 109, 117, 118,
124, 145, 162
genius, conception of, 25, 134
God, conception of, 17–18, 28, 36,
41, 43–4, 50, 51, 56, 57, 63, 64,
82, 85, 110, 113, 125, 135, 144,
149, 158, 159, 169, 175
role in relation to the law, 26
role in relation to the nation,
18–20, 34, 66, 83, 109, 131, 149
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role in relation to the State, 34
as source of duty, 13, 83, 84
as source of sovereignity, 21, 119
word frequency, 14
“God and Humanity” (slogan), 64,
169
“God and the People” (slogan), 16,
17, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 35, 50, 52,
59, 65, 71, 92–3, 100, 117, 118,
129, 138, 158, 173
historicized, 61, 63, 99, 100, 103,
140, 148
humanity, conception of, 13, 14, 15,
26, 34, 64, 85, 105, 168
ideological appropriation, 5, 49,
65, 73, 80, 81, 91–3, 102, 103,
107, 119
insurrection, theory of, 43, 85,
101, 166
Italian initiative, theory of, 66
language, 54, 59, 74, 122, 143
liberalism, relation to, 5, 62, 64, 83,
90, 95, 104
liberty, conception of, 13, 14, 23, 27,
33, 50, 56, 100, 104–5, 117, 149
“Liberty and Association” (slogan),
75, 77
monarchy, conception of, 28, 29, 62
as moral hero, 84, 99, 101, 102,
119, 168
nation, conception of, 17–21, 91,
117; transformed by followers,
34, 91, 92
“Nation and Humanity” (slogan),
34, 46
national mission, conception of, 19,
32, 65, 103, 132, 149
transformed by followers, 32–4,
54, 54, 65, 85, 103, 109
nationality, conception of, 5,
19–20, 65, 66, 84, 90, 100, 104,
106, 115, 131, 174 (see also
nationalism)
Nietzsche, parallel with, 7–8
Paris Commune (1870), criticism of,
35–6, 138
201
people, conception of, 4, 17, 18, 20,
21–3, 26, 83, 93, 95
political style, 24, 29, 124
popular myth, 37, 44–5, 69, 129,
135, 139
religion; conception of, 24–5
religion of the nation, 17, 24, 38, 41,
49, 52, 54, 60, 73, 93–4, 108,
109, 130, 171
religiosity, 15, 24, 50, 64, 83, 85, 86,
90, 169
criticized, 25–7, 36, 94, 95, 100,
102, 119, 134
praised, 43–4, 51, 52, 56, 57, 60,
67, 97, 105, 118
republic, conception of, 14, 21, 23,
27, 28, 29, 64, 113, 127, 132, 145
republicanism, 27, 28, 44, 51, 53, 57,
64, 105, 109, 127
censored, 49–51, 109
revolution as education, 15, 127
religious, 24, 133
right, conception of, 13, 14, 83, 84,
109
ritual, role in thought, 24
Rome, role in thought, 26, 36, 66,
110, 149
slogans, use of, 4, 17, 22, 70
social question, conception of, 32,
64, 84, 85, 99
socialism, attitude towards, 15, 27,
44, 64, 118, 124, 137
sovereignty, conception of, 5, 83,
105, 109, 110, 119, 149
State, conception of, 57, 90, 100,
116, 119, 161, 171
State-Church relations (see State)
symbolic appropriation, 6, 7, 107
symbols, conception and use of, 5,
17, 22–3, 24, 73, 74
theoretical indefiniteness and
contradictions, 4, 44, 95, 100,
102, 113, 119
“Thought and Action” (slogan),
24, 59, 74, 80, 90, 91–2, 96,
105, 117
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Mazzini, Giuseppe—Continued
Thoughts upon Democracy in
Europe, 127
unity, conception of, 23, 28, 41, 44,
50, 65, 90, 109, 125
words, role in thought, 14, 15, 22–3,
24, 65, 122, 125, 127, 132
see also antifascism; fascism;
Communist party; counterrevolution; Germany; Ireland;
modernism; nationalism;
Poland; republican movement;
Saint-Simonianism; socialism;
war; individual authors and
thinkers for their influence on
or interpretation of Mazzini
Mazzini, Maria, 37, 99, 126, 129, 165
Mazzotta, Clemente, 143
Mediterranean, 33, 136
Meneghello, Luigi, 111, 174
Menozzi, Daniele, 174
Meker, Nicola, 127
messianism, 102, 123, 124, 131, 136, 165
Metternich, Klemens von, 152
Miccolis, Stefano, 138
Michelet, Jules, 133
Mickiewicz, Adam
influence on Mazzini, 15–17, 128, 129
Mila, Massimo, 166
Minghetti, Gloria, 146
Minozzi, Giovanni, 70
Missiroli, Mario, 145,
as interpreter of Mazzini, 56, 145
Mitosek, Zofia, 129
modernism
appreciation of Mazzini, 51, 66, 143
Mohammed, 71
Momigliano, Felice, 159
monarchy, 7, 27, 29, 35, 44, 50, 53, 61,
108, 109
Carducci’s conception of, 38–41
Crispi’s conception of, 28, 32, 33, 143
Mondolfo, Rodolfo, 158
as interpreter of Mazzini, 85, 158,
160
Mondolfo, Ugo Guido, 85
Montalembert, Charles de, 16, 129
Montevecchi, Federica, 151
Mordini, Antonio, 53
Moses, 7, 12, 120, 177
Mosse, George L., 23, 121, 124, 133
Mussolini, Benito, 1–2, 58, 70–5, 79,
81, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 102, 115,
118, 123, 125, 146, 151, 152,
154, 173, 175
as interpreter of Mazzini, 1–2, 70–5,
92, 116, 152, 170
Nasi, Nunzio, 49–50, 149
Nathan, Ernesto, 81, 126
Nathan, family, 99
Nathan, Sarina, 81
nation
see Mazzini, Giuseppe; nationalism;
nationality
national radicalism, 78, 121, 147, 172
nationalism
as civil religion, 158
and concept of “chosen people,”
19, 131
as European political culture, 17,
19, 24, 116, 129, 130
German, 121, 122; relationship to
Nazism, 3
Italian (Twentieth-century
movement), 54–5, 103, 144
nationalist discourse, 114–15
vs. nationality according to
Mazzini, 84, 100, 104, 157, 159
as political religion, 116, 130, 175
nationality
see Mazzini, Giuseppe; nationalism
nazism, 107, 111, 116
Nenni, Pietro, 155
Nello, Paolo, 157
neo-idealism, 88, 89, 94, 95, 118, 163,
164
Nietzsche, Elizabeth Förster, 124
Nietzsche, Friedrich, 3, 7–8, 46, 47, 59,
123, 124, 152, 154
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe; Papini,
Giovanni
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Nora, Pierre, 132
Oberdan, Guglielmo, 41
O’Brien, Paul, 152
Olivetti, Angelo Oliviero, 77, 117, 154,
155, 156, 177
Omodeo, Adolfo, 69, 127, 131, 150,
151, 169, 170
Orano, Paolo, 145
Oriani, Alfredo, 37, 38, 72, 73, 78, 109,
141, 152
as heir to and interpreter of
Mazzini, 42–7, 72, 117
State, conception of, 46
Oriani, Giacomo, 142
Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele, 143
Orsini, Felice, 134
Ossani, Anna T., 134
Ozouf, Mona, 24, 130, 132
Paladini, Giannantonio, 178
Panunzio, Sergio, 157
Papafava, Novello, 148
Papini, Giovanni, 58, 109, 146, 147
as interpreter of Mazzini, 58–60,
109
recalls Mazzini-Nietzsche
encounter, 8, 125
Parlato, Giuseppe, 154, 156, 170
Parmentola, Vittorio, 125, 126, 168
Parri, Fedele, 99, 164, 165
Parri, Ferruccio, 99, 165
Partito d’azione
antifascist, 105–6, 170
mazzinian, 34
Pascoli, Giovanni, 144
as interpreter of Mazzini, 52–4,
109, 143
Pascoli, Maria, 143
Patriarca, Silvana, 116, 174, 176
Pavone, Claudio, 167, 170, 172
Pazé, Valentina, 164
Pécout, Giulle, 140
Pellico, Silvio, 12, 126
people
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
203
Perfetti, Francesco, 155
Perkins, Mary-Anne, 130, 131
Perron, Joseph, 131
Pertici, Roberto, 156, 160, 173
Pesante, Vincenzo, 141
Pieri, Piero, 143
Piovani, Pietro, 164
Pirodda, Giovanni, 134
Pisacane, Carlo, 6, 78, 80, 102,
134
criticism of Mazzini, 25–6
Pischedda, Carlo, 143
Pistone, Sergio, 171
Pitocco, Francesco, 128
Pius IX (pope), 27, 28, 109, 159
plebiscites
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
Pocock, John G. A., 122
Poland
Polish nationalism’s influence on
Mazzini, 15–16, 128
referred to by Mazzini, 16, 22
political religion, 17, 129, 130, 171
see also fascism; nationalism
Popolo d’Italia, Il, 72, 73
Pozzani, Silvio, 168
Prezzolini, Giuseppe, 59, 60, 118, 147
Prometheus, 7, 123
Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 171
Pugliese, Stanislao, 170
Quinet, Edgar, 133
Rabinow, Paul, 122
racial theories, 46, 47, 114–15, 142,
175
radical, movement, 138
Raponi, Nicola, 134
Recchia, Stefano, 174
Regaldi, Giuseppe, 41, 141
religion
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
religion of liberty, 94–5, 96, 163,
164, 172
Renan, Ernest, 55, 56, 57
Répaci, Antonino, 152
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Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), 1,
106, 108, 156, 170
republic
Roman (1849), 28, 29, 109, 110, 173,
174
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
republican movement, 59, 61, 95, 108,
117
cult of Mazzini, 71, 117, 130, 164, 176
rituals, 108, 129
symbols, 108
republican party, 50, 51, 62, 63, 71, 80,
99, 109, 142, 148, 155, 156, 165,
167, 168
republicanism
see Carducci, Giosué; Crispi,
Francesco; Mazzini, Giuseppe
Resistance, Italian (1943–45), 103,
105, 106, 108, 111, 170
revolution
American, 171, 172
French, 24, 124, 130, 132, 133, 147,
171, 172
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
Reynaud, Jean, 134
Riall, Lucy, 115, 174, 175
Ricci, Berto, 156
Richter, Mario, 147
Ridolfi, Maurizio, 171, 172
Ridolfi, Roberto, 147
Risorgimento
interpretations of, 96, 100, 101, 102,
103–4, 108, 114, 115, 166, 167,
168, 169, 170
new Risorgimento, invoked by
Papini, 59
ritual
civic, 108, 173
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
Roberts, David D., 154, 177
Rocco, Alfredo, 78, 154
Rome
ancient, 40
fascist, 74, 118
myth of Third Rome, 33, 38, 65, 73,
147, 149
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe; republic
Rosmini, Antonio, 87, 160
Rosselli, Carlo, 82, 105, 158, 164, 167,
177
as interpreter of Mazzini, 6, 98–101,
119
Rosselli, family, 99, 167
Rosselli, Nello, 2, 82, 98, 139, 158
as interpreter of Mazzini, 99–100,
164, 166, 171
Rossi, Ernesto, 99, 166, 167, 170, 171
as interpreter of Mazzini, 101–2,
106
Rota, Ettore, 63, 148
Roth, Jack J., 146
Rouanet, Sérgio P., 146
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 18, 64, 89,
124, 151, 155
Ruffini, Francesco, 151
Rusconi, Gian Enrico, 116, 172
Russo, Luigi, 163
Sabbatucci, Giovanni, 151
Saffi, Aurelio, 28, 140
Saint-Simonianism
doctrine, 15, 16, 128, 130
influence on Mazzini, 15, 16, 22, 24,
27, 64, 89, 94, 128, 134, 148
Salandra, Antonio, 72
Salvatorelli, Luigi, 3, 168, 169, 170
as interpreter of Mazzini, 103–6,
107, 110, 111, 122, 168, 169, 171
Salvemini, Gaetano, 2, 4, 6, 37, 51, 84,
86, 90, 128, 132, 143, 148, 149,
159, 166
analysis of Mazzini’s thought, 20–1,
51, 56, 64–5, 119, 148
defines it “theocracy,” 64, 66,
105, 110, 119, 158
as interpreter of Mazzini, 60–7, 86,
90, 98, 99, 103, 104, 110, 119,
122, 158, 161, 165, 167
San Marino, republic, 42, 143
Santarelli, Enzo, 146, 155
Sarti, Roland, 128
Sasso, Gennaro, 160
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Savonarola, Girolamo, 12, 27, 126
Schiavi, Alessandro, 168
Schwartz, Barry, 123
Segré Claudio G., 157
Sella, Quintino, 103
Sereni, Umberto, 154
Sestan, Ernesto, 148
Shakespeare, William, 123
Sidoli, Giuditta, 126
Sighele, Scipio, 137
Simonini, Augusto, 152
Sismondi, Simonde de, 27
Slataper, Scipio, 69
Smith, Anthony, 130, 132
Soave, Francesco, 127
socialism, 52, 59, 72, 73, 76, 80, 95,
138, 143, 155
critique of Mazzini, 51, 71, 143,
144
relationship to fascism, 119
see also Mazzini, Giuseppe
Socrates, 7, 12, 123
Soddu, Paolo, 166
Soffici, Ardengo, 59, 147
as interpreter of Mazzini, 60
Solari, Gioele, 96
Sonzogno (publishing house), 139
Sorel, Georges, 3, 55, 60, 74, 75, 81,
85, 86, 109, 118, 145, 146, 160,
169
as interpreter of Mazzini, 55–8,
109, 146
see also Croce, Benedetto
sovereignty
see God; Mazzini, Giuseppe
Spaventa, Bertrando, 55, 138, 159
Spencer, Charles, 46
Spinelli, Altiero, 171
Spriano, Paolo, 164, 165
squadrismo, 91, 92, 152
St. Augustine, 7
St. Paul, 105
Stanislaw, Elie, 128
State
Italian, 26, 29, 33, 49, 105, 108, 110,
119, 121, 139, 163
205
relationship with the Church, 171,
172
relationship with the Church
according to Mazzini, 64, 105,
109–10, 113–14, 120, 148, 162
see also Crispi, Francesco; De
Ambris, Alceste; Gentile,
Giovanni; Mazzini, Giuseppe;
Oriani, Alfredo
Stears, Marc, 174
Steinberg, Suzanne Stewart, 175
Stella, Vittorio, 163
Stern, Fritz, 121
Sternhell, Zeev, 119, 121, 124, 144,
154, 177
Stillman, William J., 135
Stirner, Max, 59
Stoppino, Mario, 122
Susmel, Duilio, 152
Susmel, Edoardo, 152
symbolic appropriation
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
symbols
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
Symington, Rodney, 123
syndacalism, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 81,
86, 117, 118, 152, 154, 155, 176
Sznajder, Mario, 121, 123, 144, 154,
177
Talmon, Jacob, 23, 124, 128
Tarquini, Alessandra, 176
Tarsi, Maria Chiara, 147
Tasca, Angelo, 168
Tasso, Torquato, 71
Thomas à Kempis, 126
Tipton, Steven M., 172
Tocqueville, Alexis de, 133
Togliatti, Palmiro, 102, 167
Tognon, Giuseppe, 163
Tommaseo, Niccolò, 12, 16, 88, 126, 173
Torre, Augusto, 149
totalitarian democracy, 123–4
totalitarianism, 113, 116, 130, 171
see also fascism
Traniello, Francesco, 164
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INDEX
Trentin, Silvio, 119, 177
Treves, Claudio, 51, 147, 148
Treves, Renato, 128
Tulard, Jean, 123
Turati, Filippo, 99
Turi, Gabriele, 160, 170
Unamuno, Miguel de, 147
Unione Mazziniana, 176
Unità, L’, 65, 85
Urbinati, Nadia, 164, 174
Vacca, Giuseppe, 138
Vajna, Eugenio, 69, 70, 151
Valiani, Leo, 168
Ventotene, Manifesto (1944), 171
Venturi, Franco, 100, 127, 132, 166
Verucci, Guido, 128, 163
Vetter, Cesare, 136
Vico, Giambattista, 55, 57, 88, 91, 145,
160
Victor Emanuel II (king of Italy), 29,
33, 49, 54, 61
Victor Emanuel III (king of Italy), 70,
142
Vidalenc, Jean, 133
Viroli, Maurizio, 172
Vivarelli, Roberto, 124, 150, 176
Voce, La, journal, 118, 124, 146, 152, 176
Volpe, Gioacchino, 70, 150, 151
Vossler, Otto, 126, 146
Walicki, Andrzej, 128
war
First world war, 60, 65, 65, 75,
78, 79, 84, 88, 89, 109, 150, 151,
159
Mazzini’s presence in, 69–73,
81–2, 89, 101, 109, 116, 158,
159, 167, 168
Second world war, 1–2, 106, 107,
108, 156
Washington, George, 6, 42, 123
Weber, Max, 133
Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, 130, 132
White, Jessie. See Mario, Jessie
White
Willaime, Jean Paul, 172
Wistrich, Robert S., 123
words
see Mazzini, Giuseppe
Zama, Piero, 142
Zanotti-Bianco, Umberto, 66–7, 149,
165, 166
Zucàro, Domenico, 170
Zuccarini, Oliviero, 167, 168
Zunino, Pier Giorgio, 121
Copyrighted material – 9781137514585