6
64
Raphael
Venus
c. 1511–14
Silverpoint, 190 × 75 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 1934
By the sixteenth century the legacy of classical antiquity was readily accessible all over
Italy. Drawn copies and plaster casts after
the Antique were integral parts of workshop
equipment from the mid-fifteenth century.
Ancient cameos, coins and most importantly
sculptures inevitably attracted the interest of
collectors and antiquarians, as well as artists
who evolved their own versions inspired by
these works.1 Roman art was initially mediated to Raphael primarily by Perugino’s and
Pintoricchio’s drawings after the Antique,
and his interest was later stimulated further by
Florentine humanists.2 In common with his
contemporaries, Raphael first treated classical
compositions as motifs, and became deeply
concerned with classical antiquity only after
he had settled in Rome in 1508. His interest
comprised the widest possible range of antiquities, and his approach was permeated by the
archaeological attitude of his Roman mentor,
Donato Bramante.3
In 1515 Leo X appointed Raphael the
Pre­fect of all building stones and marble
excavated in and around Rome (praefectus
marmorum et lapidum omnium).4 The position was created by the demand for acquiring
building material for the new Saint Peter’s, and
provided the painter with the opportunity
to study all newly excavated stone or marble
with ancient inscriptions. Vasari notes that
Raphael kept designers all over Italy and even
in Greece, implying that they searched and
recorded antiquities for the benefit of his
art.5 Raphael’s commitment and enthusiasm
for a deeper understanding of antiquity far
exceeded the average interest of his contemporaries, and culminated in the project of 1516
to draw up the complete reconstruction of
ancient Rome.6
Ever since his early years Raphael had often
filled his works with antique quotations, but
his first opportunity to paint a mythological
subject came only in 1511, with the decoration
of the villa of Agostino Chigi, now known
as the Farnesina, after its subsequent owner.
The Sienese banker was one of the wealthiest and most influential persons in Italy, as
well as Raphael’s most important Roman
client after the papal court.7 Raphael is first
recorded as working for Chigi in a payment
of 10 November, 1510, according to which
the painter designed two large bronze tondi
(tondorum de brongiurum).8 If these are identical with the two tondi (today in Abbazia
di Chiaravalle, Milan) destined to decorate
94
the sides of the arch above the altar of the
Chigi chapel in Santa Maria della Pace, they
indicate that Raphael began painting there in
the same year.9 Concurrently with the work
in his patron’s burial chapel, Raphael joined
the Venetian painter Sebastiano del Piombo
(1485/86–1547), who arrived in Rome in
August 1511, to execute frescoes in Chigi’s
villa.10
Raphael’s Triumph of Galatea was frescoed
directly beside Sebastiano’s Polyphemus in the
riverside loggia of the palatial villa [fig. 65].
The building, located outside the city walls
across the Tiber, was designed by Baldassare
Peruzzi in an extravagant all’antica style on
the model of the ancient villa suburbana.11
As the two frescoes are not mentioned by the
Roman humanist Blosio Palladio in his Latin
poem praising the suburbanum, printed on 27
January, 1512, they must have been created
after the pamphlet was written.12 The close
stylistic connection between the Galatea and
the Three Virtues in the Stanza della Segnatura,
the frescoes of the Stanza di Eliodoro, especially The Expulsion of Heliodorus from the
Temple, as well as the Sibyls of the Chigi chapel,
indicates that it was probably painted around
1512.13
Following the method employed in his
earlier works, Raphael incorporated several
modern and antique motifs in the fresco. The
pose of Galatea was inspired, like that of the
Virgin in the Esterházy Madonna [fig. 41], by
Leonardo’s drawings for Leda [fig. 55], also
influenced by ancient prototypes. In common with The Massacre of the Innocents,
Raphael borrowed details from engravings
executed in the circle of Mantegna, but extensively used motifs of Roman sarcophagi and
statues, among them the Belvedere Torso.14
The Galatea was, however, the first work by
Raphael to be based on a classical literary
source. The scene was inspired by the verses of
La Giostra, a compendium of myths written by
the Florentine humanist Angelo Poliziano.15
A few years later, Raphael returned with
his assistants to decorate the entrance loggia
of the Farnesina. Due to a lack of documentary evidence, the start of the commission is
unknown. The earliest related source, dated
1 January, 1519, notes that the scaffolding
had been dismantled and the vault fresco
unveiled.16 For some unknown reason, the
nine lunettes and eight wall-spaces were never
realized.
The surviving drawings for the frescoes
suggest that decorating the loggia must have
taken several years.17 Raphael’s earliest sheets
from around 1514–15 were made in preparation of the frescoes in the spandrels and triangles of the east wall, and the first triangle of
65
Raphael
Triumph of Galatea
c. 1511–14
Fresco
Rome, Villa Farnesina
95
66
Raphael
The Wedding of Cupid
and Psyche
c. 1517–19
Fresco
Rome, Villa Farnesina
the southern wall. Work was then suspended
and recommenced only in late 1517, when
the two multi-figured ceiling frescoes, and
the spandrels and triangles of the south and
west walls, were redesigned and prepared for
painting.18 As the fable of Cupid and Psyche
was chosen to reflect the relationship and marriage between Agostino Chigi and his former
Venetian mistress Francesca Ordeaschi, the
loggia decoration must have been completed
by the time the wedding ceremony was held,
that is 28 August, 1519.19
Raphael transformed the room into an
antique arbour, in which a festoon of leaves,
fruits and flowers, following the divisions of
the architecture, imitates a wedding marquee.
Across the arbour the two large ceiling frescoes appear as stretched simulated canvases.
Similarly to Galatea, the allegorical frescoes
of the Loggia di Psyche illustrate a popular
myth. The secret love of Cupid and Psyche
was narrated in Apuleius’s The Golden Ass,
whose Italian editions were widely distributed in the sixteenth-century and thus also
accessible for Raphael.20 Although the fable
involves both the terrestrial and the celestial spheres, Raphael and his assistants only
painted celestial scenes. The loggia ceiling is
occupied by The Council of the Gods and The
Wedding of Cupid and Psyche [fig. 66], while
the fourteen spandrels and ten triangles depict
minor episodes involving only one or two
characters.21
The Loggia di Psyche was not the first
instance for Raphael and his assistants to
design a whole decorative scheme in an
antique style. Soon before, in the summer of
1516, they had completed the painting of the
96
bathroom (Stufetta) of Cardinal Bernardo
Bibbiena’s apartment in the Vatican Palace
[fig. 67].22 This narrow and dark room, little
more than eight feet square, constituted the
earliest example of developed grotesque work
in the Renaissance. Raphael aimed to recreate
antique Roman illusionistic frescoes, on the
evidence of remains in the recently discovered
chambers of the Domus Aurea.23 The stuccoed and frescoed ornaments of Nero’s for­mer
palace, a diverting ensemble of bizarre animals, still-life and geometrical motifs, smallscale mythological episodes and landscapes,
were adopted for the Stufetta decoration.24
Raphael undoubtedly provided sketches for
his assistants, but the ornamental fields were
conceived and executed by Giovanni da Udine
(1487–1564), a new member of the workshop
who specialised in still-life, while the young
Giulio Romano (1499?–1546) was responsible
for the eight small Ovidian erotic scenes.25
While the walls and ceiling of the Stufetta
were mainly covered by ornaments, the frescoes of the Loggia di Psyche, particularly
inspired by antique monumental sculpture,
provided Raphael with the opportunity to
depict female nudes in the most varied
views. The male nude was a primary subject
for Renaissance artists, but apart from the
works of Sandro Botticelli (1444/5–1510)
and Giorgione (?1477/8–1510), representation of the female nude was uncommon.
As a response to Michelangelo’s Battle of
Cascina [fig. 12], Raphael included women
in the Loggia frescoes in his mature and independent all’antica style, creating the illusion
of antique art with such perfection that it is
difficult to distinguish the figures derived
directly from the Antique from the painter’s
own inventions.26
No other issue regarding Raphael’s late
works provoked a more intense scholarly
67
Raphael
Stufetta of Cardinal Bibbiena
c. 1516
Fresco
Rome, Palazzi Vaticani
68
Raphael
Venus and Psyche
c. 1518
Pen and brown ink, over red chalk
105 × 80 mm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 655
97
69
Raphael
Study for Venus and Psyche
c. 1518
Red chalk, over stylus
265 × 197 mm
Paris, Musée du Louvre, 3875
98
debate than the attribution of the drawings and frescoes of the Loggia di Psyche.
According to Vasari, all the cartoons and
many of the figures were painted by Raphael
himself, while his assistants, primarily Giu­
lio Romano and Giovanni Francesco Penni
(c. 1496–1528), participated in the execution of
the narrative scenes, and Giovanni da Udine
was responsible for the decorative frames.27
The related drawings, including copies
as well as studies by assistants, show that
Raphael’s assistants played a decisive role not
only in executing the frescoes, but also in the
early phase of their preparation. Only one
small initial sketch (concetto) may be ascribed
without any doubt to Raphael [fig. 68], while
most of the red chalk studies have given rise
to much controversy, and have been attributed variously to Raphael, Giulio or Penni
[fig. 69].28
The Budapest Venus has been associated
with the frescoes of the Loggia di Psyche and
was considered a figure study for one of the
unrealized lunettes [fig. 64].29 In fact, the
classical nude, clearly evoking the posture of
Aphrodite of Knidos by Praxiteles, preserved
in Roman marbles such as the later excavated
Capitoline Venus, may be related to the Loggia
only by virtue of its subject. The preparatory
drawings for the Loggia, more than two dozen
of them, were almost exclusively drawn in
red chalk; none was executed in metalpoint.30
During his Florentine years Raphael preferred to draw in pen, in his Roman period
he mainly used chalk, and between 1514
and 1518 red chalk was clearly his preferred
medium.31 Since Raphael characteristically
alternated his drawing media, technique in
itself is never a sufficient basis for dating his
sheets. Furthermore, he was one of the last
sixteenth-century Italian draughtsmen to use
metalpoint extensively. The metalpoint of lead,
silver, copper or gold was the most favoured
medium until the end of the fifteenth century,
when it was replaced by pen.32
Only a small number of sixteenth-century
metalpoint drawings have survived, but the
stylus remained an everyday tool, employed
mostly in the training of apprentices, as well as
in making mechanical copies and transferring
compositions from cartoons.33 As paper had
to be prepared before metalpoint could be
applied, in order to ease the drawing process,
Raphael frequently used the stylus to draw
preparatory sketches on unprepared paper,
and then elaborated the indented lines in pen
or chalk.34 With the blind stylus technique
the artist not only saved time but could also
sketch rapidly and with much more freedom.
This practice came into general use primarily
following the Florentine model of Leonardo,
Michelangelo and Fra Bartolommeo.35
In contrast, the Budapest drawing adopts
the traditional method of metalpoint, and
was executed on prepared ground [fig. 70].
However, it is difficult to establish whether the
thin, slightly oxidised brown-toned lines were
drawn exclusively in metalpoint, presumably
of silver, or were slightly retouched later in
lighter-toned brown ink [fig. 71].36 The solid,
clear contours and parallel, regular hatching
of the Budapest drawing are rather distinct
in character from Raphael’s late drawings.
Closest in style is the silverpoint study today
in the Cleveland Museum of Art, supposedly
drawn after the same female model as the
Budapest sheet [fig. 72].37 The connection
of the Cleveland drawing to Raphael’s two
Roman Madonnas, the Madonna di Loreto
(Chantilly, Musée Condé) and the Madonna
70
Fig. 64 in ultraviolet-induced
luminescence
71
Infrared reflectograph of fig. 64
72
Raphael
Sheet of Studies
c. 1511–14
Silverpoint, on pink ground
119 × 153 mm
Cleveland, Museum of Art, CMA 78.37
73
Raphael
Venus
c. 1511–12
Metalpoint, on two conjoined sheets of
pale pink prepared paper
238 × 100 mm
London, British Museum, 1895,0915.629
102
della Sedia (Florence, Galleria Palatina),
indicate that it was executed earlier than the
Farnesina frescoes, probably between 1511
and 1514.38 A further comparable metalpoint drawing, today in the British Museum,
London [fig. 73], also suggests an earlier dating for the Budapest and Cleveland sheets.39
The London drawing, depicting Venus in a
classical pose similar to that of the Budapest
sheet, was engraved in the same direction by
Marcantonio Raimondi.40 As the print’s counterpart represents the Apollo statue painted
on the left in the background of the School of
Athens,41 the London drawing must have been
created around 1511–12, the time when the
Stanza della Segnatura was completed.
The dating of the Budapest drawing is
further complicated by the fact that in the
course of his career, Raphael often returned
to his e­ arlier inventions, and Marcantonio’s
engravings were sometimes created years
after their models were drawn.42 The Budapest
Venus reappears in an almost identical form
in one of the last engravings by Marcantonio
74
Marcantonio Raimondi
and Raphael
The Judgement of Paris
c. 1517–18
Engraving
292 × 435 mm
Second state of two
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 5516
103
75
Roman Master
The Judgement of Paris
2nd century AD
Marble
Rome, Villa Medici
and Raphael, The Judgement of Paris [fig.
74]. Although Vasari mentions the print as
one of Marcantonio’s first Roman works,43
its highly sophisticated technique indicates
that the engraving must have been created
later, around 1517–18, simultaneously with
the ceiling frescoes of the Psyche Loggia.44
The composition of The Judgement of Paris
was primarily adapted from two ancient sarcophagi [fig. 75].45 The reliefs (today in the
Villa Medici and the Villa Doria Pamphili,
Rome) were included in private collections
at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and
were well-known and frequently copied in
Raphael’s workshop.46 Revealing an inventive handling of an antique source, Raphael
altered the ancient figures in the spirit of his
Roman, mature classical style, and endowed
the composition with distinct sculptural and
pictorial values. To enhance the pictorial effect
of the print, Marcantonio scored the plate with
a rough pumice-like stone before he began
engraving, which resulted in a surface with
rich tonality.47
104
Raphael had already designed a composition for The Judgement of Paris for the
Stanza della Segnatura, which was executed
by his workshop around 1512–13 as a small
grisaille in the window embrasure beneath
the Parnassus.48 Raphael’s original invention
is preserved in a contemporary copy after
his drawing, today lost [fig. 76].49 The pen
drawing in the Louvre, Paris, shows little
similarity with the fresco and is much closer
to Marcantonio’s engraving, therefore probably marks an early stage of its preparation.
The figures of Paris and Venus correspond
almost exactly with the engraving, while
Juno’s pose reflects Marcantonio’s early Roman
engraving, the Lucretia from around 1511–12,
and Eve in The Fall frescoed on the vault of
the Stanza della Segnatura.50 It seems plausible
that Raphael’s first invention for the engraving
of The Judgement of Paris dates from around
105
76
After Raphael
The Judgement of Paris
c. 1511–12
Pen and brown ink, over stylus
and black chalk, 194 × 264 mm
Paris, Musée du Louvre, 4300
1512, when the Stanza della Segnatura was
completed, but was realized only around
1517–18, during the execution of the Loggia
di Psyche frescoes.
The Budapest Venus was not intended by
Raphael in preparation for a print.51 Ac­cord­
ing to Vasari, The Judgement of Paris was en­
graved after Raphael’s design, but no detailed
drawing of the whole composition survived.52
Similarly to the working method he applied
for major commissions after 1514, Raphael
may have delegated the creation of preparatory drawings for prints to his assistants.53
The modello for The Judgement of Paris was
probably drawn by Raphael’s collaborators
on the basis of the painter’s sketches, utilizing
his earlier Budapest Venus, drawn in the first
half of the 1510s.54
106
1 For the relationship between Renaissance and
Antiquity, see Athens 2003–4.
2 For the impact of the plaquettes of the Medici
Collection on sixteenth-century painting, see
Dacos 1989.
3 For Raphael’s archaeological activity, see Nessel­
rath 1986.
4 Shearman 2003, pp. 207–11.
5 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 361.
6 Shearman 2003, pp. 247, 500–45, see also Jones
and Penny 1983, pp. 199–205.
7 For Agostino Chigi, see Rowland 1984 and 1986.
8 The two bronze tondi were previously associated
with those by the Roman goldsmith Cesarino
Rossetti, see Shearman 2003, pp. 143–46.
9 For a recent interpretation of the document, see
Bartalini 1996, pp. 58–60; Chapman, Henry, and
Plazzotta 2004, p. 58.
10 For Sebastiano’s frescoes in the Villa Farnesina,
see Finocchi Ghersi 2010; for the supposition that
Sebastiano may have completed a first version of
the Galatea, see Angelini 1986, pp. 97–98 and 105.
11 Dussler 1971, pp. 99–100.
12 Rowland 1984, esp. pp. 197–99.
13 Dussler 1971, p. 100; Jones and Penny 1983, pp.
93–100.
14 For Raphael’s sources of inspiration in detail, see
Becatti 1969, pp. 528–30 and Thoenes 1986.
15 For the literary sources, see Cecchelli 1942, pp.
246–47; Becatti 1969, p. 529; Kinkead 1970; Shearman 2003, pp. 1065–66.
16 Shearman 2003, pp. 385-86.
17 The delay of the work is also suggested by Vasari’s
anecdote about Fornarina, Raphael’s mistress, see
Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 366.
18 For the dating of the drawings and frescoes in
detail, see Oberhuber 1986b; for an early sketch
by Giulio Romano, see Davidson 1987.
19 Peruzzi’s frescoes in the Sala delle Prospettive and
Sodoma’s in the Sala di Rossana had been completed
by this time, see Hayum 1966, p. 215, note 11.
20 For Raphael’s literary sources and the iconographic
program of the frescoes, see Shearman 1964, esp.
pp. 62–63 and 71–76; Marek 1984; Günther 2001.
21 Dussler 1971, pp. 96–99.
22 Pietro Bembo mentions the works on the Stufetta
in his letters to Cardinal Bibbiena of 19 April, 25
May, and 20 June, 1516; the last letter serves as
terminus ante quem for the completion of the
frescoes, see Shearman 2003, pp. 240–45.
23 Dacos 1969 and 2004.
24 For the antique sources of the Stufetta, see Becatti
1969, pp. 541–48.
25 For the Stufetta most recently, see Nesselrath 2013.
26 For the antique sources of the Loggia di Psyche,
see Becatti 1969, pp. 550–56.
27 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 367–68, 377 and
644; vol. 5, p. 524; vol. 6, p. 558.
28 For the drawings associated with the loggia frescoes
and for the different opinions, see Hartt 1958, pp.
32–33; Shearman 1964, pp. 59–100; Harprath 1985;
Oberhuber 1986b, pp. 190–98; Konrad O
­ berhuber
in Oberhuber and Gnann 1999, pp. 19–20.
29 In the nineteenth century, the Budapest drawing
was generally regarded as preparatory study for
Sodoma’s fresco of the Marriage of Alexander and
Roxanne, decorating the Sala di Rossana of the Villa
Farnesina. For this composition a concetto (Haarlem, Teylers Museum, A63) and a detailed red chalk
study (Vienna, Albertina, 17634) have survived,
attributed variously to Raphael, Giulio Romano
or Giovanni Francesco Penni; for the drawings, see
Joannides 2000, p. 24, cf. Achim Gnann in Gnann
and Plomp 2012–13, nos. 44 and 45.
30 Harprath 1985.
31 Joannides 1983, pp. 24–25.
32 For Raphael’s metalpoint drawings, see AmesLewis 1981, pp. 35–46; for his pen drawings, see
ibid., pp. 46–51.
33 For drawn studies, indispensable in the training
of apprentices, Cennino Cennini has already
proposed the use of tavoletta (Cennini, Cap. 5, 6).
It may not be excluded, however, that prepared
wood panels were more broadly used, even by
leading masters of workshops until the seventeenth
century, see Wetering 1991.
34 See in detail, Monbeig-Goguel 1987.
35 Pon 2004a, p. 109, notes 37–39.
36 The light lines, that appeared to be silverpoint, visible in the infrared reflectograph were surprisingly
not confirmed by the X-ray fluorescence analysis,
which could detect traces neither of tin, iron, nor
silver. We would like to thank Oliver Hahn (Bundesanstalt für Materialforschung und -prüfung
Arbeitsgruppe 'Kunst- und Kulturgutanalyse') for
performing the examination.
107
37 Joannides 1983, no. 285; for the hypothesis that the
Budapest drawing, together with Raphael’s other
works dating after 1514, represents the painter’s
Roman mistress, called Fornarina, see Brown and
Oberhuber 1978.
38 Joannides 1983, no. 273; for the two panels, see
Meyer zur Capellen 2005, nos. 51 and 57.
39 Joannides 1983, no 286; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 115.
40 Bartsch XIV.234.311; Rome 1985, p. 243, no. II.7.
41 Bartsch XIV.252.335; Rome 1985, pp. 38–39,
no. IV.3; Höper 2001, no. F 2.1.
42 See chapter 3, note 38.
43 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 5, p. 411.
44 Bartsch XIV.197.245; for the dating of the print
to around 1515–16, see Oberhuber 1984–85, p.
339; Michael Mason in Geneva 1984, no. 59;
Massari and Prosperi Valenti RodinÒ 1989, no.
7; for the print’s later dating to around 1517–20,
see ­Lawrence Nees in Cambridge 1974, no. 19;
Shoemaker 1981, no. 43.
45 Loewy 1896 and Lehmann 1979, no. 90.
46 For the Roman sarcophagi, see Bober and Rubinstein 1986, nos. 119 and 120; Bober 1957, pp. 68-69;
for the antique sources of the print, see Becatti
1969, pp. 515–16.
47 See Landau and Parshall 1994, pp. 127–28.
48 Bianchi 1968, p. 663, fig. 23.
49 Cordellier and Py 1991a, no. 219.
50 Bartsch XIV.155.192; Rome 1985, p. 232, no. II.1;
Shoemaker 1981, no. 20.
51 For Raphael’s preparatory drawings for prints, see
chapter 3, note 74.
52 For a further drawing associated with the print,
see Tietze-Conrat 1953.
53 For the issue that Giulio Romano’s first drawings
executed in the Raphael workshop may have been
modelli for prints (disegni di stampe), see Cox-­
Rearick 1999, p. 29 and no. 1.
54 For the view that the composition of The Judgement
of Paris was not by Raphael himself but by his
assistants, see Jones and Penny 1983, p. 179.
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