T RANSYLVANIAN REVIEW
Vol. XIX, Supplement No. 5: 4, 2010
Recent Studies on
Past and Present
IV.
Tradition and Invention
Edited by
MARIUS EPPEL • LORÁND MÁDLY
• TUDOR SÃLÃGEAN • ATTILA VARGA
ROMANIAN ACADEMY
Chairman:
Academician Ionel Haiduc
CENTER FOR
TRANSYLVANIAN STUDIES
Director:
Academician Ioan-Aurel Pop
Publication indexed and abstracted in the
Thomson Reuters Social Sciences Citation Index®,
in Social Scisearch® and in the Journal Citation
Reports/Social Sciences Edition,
and included in EBSCO’s and ELSEVIER’s products.
Recent Studies on Past and Present
Editor
ALEXANDRU SIMON
On the cover:
STUDIUM GENERALE (15 CENTURY)
TH
Transylvanian Review continues the
tradition of Revue de Transylvanie,
founded by Silviu Dragomir, which
was published in Cluj and then in Sibiu
between 1934 and 1944.
Transylvanian Review is published
4 times a year by the Center for
Transylvanian Studies and the
Romanian Academy.
EDITORIAL BOARD
CESARE ALZATI, Ph.D.
Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione, Istituto
di Storia Moderna e Contemporanea,
Università Cattolica, Milan, Italy
HORST FASSEL, Ph.D.
Institut für donauschwäbische Geschichte
und Landeskunde, Tübingen, Germany
KONRAD GÜNDISCH, Ph.D.
Bundesinstitut für Kultur und Geschichte
der Deutschen im östlichen Europa,
Oldenburg, Germany
HARALD HEPPNER, Ph.D.
Institut für Geschichte, Graz, Austria
PAUL E. MICHELSON, Ph.D.
Huntington University, Indiana, USA
ALEXANDRU ZUB, Ph.D.
Chairman of the History Section of the
Romanian Academy, Director of the A. D.
Xenopol Institute of History, Iaºi, Romania
EDITORIAL STAFF
Ioan-Aurel Pop
Nicolae Bocºan
Vasile Sãlãjan
Alexandru Simon
Rudolf Gräf
Virgil Leon
Ioan Bolovan
Raveca Divricean
Nicolae Sucalã-Cuc
Translated by
Bogdan Aldea—English
Liana Lãpãdatu—French
Desktop Publishing
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Cosmina Varga
Printed in Romania by COLOR PRINT
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Tel. (0040)260-660598;
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Correspondence, manuscripts and books
should be sent to: Transylvanian Review,
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Contents
• Editors’ Note
5
• I. Heritage and Innovation
7
I.1. Legacies, Images and Expectations
Imperial Death in Byzantium: A Preliminary View on the Negative Funerals
Bogdan-Petru Maleon
The Scenes of the Apocalypse of Sucevitza Monastery
Arcadie M. Bodale
9
33
La personnalité et l’époque de Sigismond de Luxembourg à travers
les ouvrages des historiens germaniques de Transylvanie du XIXe siècle
Loránd Mádly
65
The Holy See and the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church during the Years
of Austrian Neo-Liberalism
Ana Victoria Sima
73
I.2. Concepts, Patterns and Representations
Histoire, vérité et dialectique. L’Identité et l’Autre
Horaþiu-Marius Trif
93
Philosophy of History Issues in the Work of J. G. Herder
Vlad Mureºan
105
L’Autre dans l’hypostase de l’Américain
Elena-Andreea Trif-Boia
115
Balkan Didactic Literature in the Post-Communist Era
Adriana Cupcea
127
• II. Change and Continuity
139
II.1. Modern Cultural and Political Evolutions
Considerations concerning the Typography of Buda and the Culture from
Wallachia and Moldavia
Anca Tatay
141
Les Élites Politiques de la Roumanie et la Diplomatie Française:
le cas de Ion C. Brãtianu
Anamaria Vele
157
The Representatives of the Oradea Vicarage in the Eparchial
Synod of Arad between 1900 and 1918
Marius Eppel
165
The Bells and the “Great War“, or about the Action of the Requisition
of Bells Belonging to the Romanian Transylvanian Community
Elena Crinela Holom
175
A “Nightingale” of the Literary Pages Magazine (Turda 1934-1943):
Yvonne Rossignon
Nicoleta Botezatu
187
II.2. Constructing and Surviving Identity
The Jews from Cluj in September 1940
Artur Lakatos
La communauté macédo-roumaine dans la politique étrangère
de la Roumanie
Ionuþ Nistor
197
205
The 1972 Bucharest Meeting between Nicolae Ceauºescu and János Kádár
László Wellmann
219
The USSR and the process of de-Stalinization
Mihai Croitor, Sanda Borºa
229
• III. Border Concepts and Border Affairs
243
III.1. Expansion and Regression
From Comitatus Confinium to the Border Mark
Ioan Marian Þiplic
245
Il notaio anonimo del re Béla di Ungheria e la schola episcopale di Vercelli
Tudor Sãlãgean
263
Venetian and Habsburg Coordinates of Anti-Ottoman Crusading
in the Mid 1470s
Alexandru Simon
269
III.2. Trade, Profit and Land
Handel und Händler im siebenbürgischen Osthandel de 16. Jahrhunderts
Mária Pakucs–Willcocks
299
Greek and Aromanian merchants, protagonists of the trade relations between
Transylvania, Wallachia, Moldavia and the Northern Italian Peninsula
313
Cristian Luca
The Danube Navigation in the Making of David Urquhart’s Russophobia
Constantin Ardeleanu
337
• List of Authors
353
Greek and Aromanian merchants,
protagonists of the trade relations
between Transylvania, Wallachia,
Moldavia and the Northern Italian
Peninsula
(second half of the 17th–first half of the 18th century)
C RISTIAN L UCA
F
second half, respectively from the last quarter of the 17th century, the members of the “Greek” companies of Braºov and Sibiu were indisputable
protagonists of the foreign trade of Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia, controlling, together with other Balkan merchants, the exchanges of goods between
Central-Eastern Europe and the Northern Italian Peninsula1. The caravan transport, on the Balkan and Central-European routes, was the habitual way of carrying the merchandise to the destination markets, with the Adriatic ports of
Ottoman Albania acting as transit centres by means of which Venice secured
its import flows and exported its production to the Ottoman markets and to
the Romanian Principalities. The success of the Greek, Aromanian and other
Balkan merchants2 in taking control of the Romanian Principalities’ foreign trade
was determined, besides their dynamism, the capitals invested and the capillary
network of relations they had in the area, by their agents and partners and by
the favourable political constellation from the Balkan Peninsula and the Adriatic
Basin. The Greeks and the Aromanians, Ottoman subjects, as well as the Ragusans,
took advantage of the long conflict between Venice and the Porte (1645-1669),
getting an almost complete control over the wholesale trade in raw materials and
food products from Eastern Europe and the Ottoman territories to the Venetian
market. The attempts of the Venetian merchants to assume, during the conflict,
ROM THE
Study financed through EU, ESF, POSDRU, 89/1.5./S/61104 (2010-2013) Project
314 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
false identities and carry their goods under French, English or Dutch flag, and
their involvement in contraband actions proved mere palliatives which could
not hinder the negative consequence for the Venetian economy and mercantile
class after more than two decades of Venetian-Ottoman war. Thus, the Greek
and Aromanian subjects of the Porte managed to profit from this favourable
constellation, their role of middlemen and providers becoming, as early as the first
half of the 17th century, essential for supplying the Venetian manufacturing
industry with raw materials. The flux of raw materials secured to Venice, coming from the Romanian Principalities and the Ottoman Empire, was facilitated by
the cooperation between the merchants who purchased the merchandise from the
producers and contracted its transport to the transit ports of the Dalmatian
coast, on the one side, and the commercial companies which assumed to carry and
sell the goods in bulk on the Venetian market. This purchase, transport and selling circuit of raw materials was controlled by the Greek and Aromanian merchants,
Ottoman subjects3, and by the commercial companies of their brethren, members of the Confraternity of St. George, made up of the Greeks settled in Venice.
Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia received from Venice either manufactured goods, produced in the workhouses from the Lagoon and Terraferma, mainly fabrics (of different types and qualities) and glassware, or goods re-exported
by the merchants of the Serenissima, such as colonials and Oriental wares from
Asia Minor and Northern Africa4. The common fabrics (cloth) and the luxury
ones (brocade, velvet, silk, lacery) made the majority of the Venetian exports
to Transylvania5, as well as to the neighbouring Principalities, south and east of
the Carpathian Mountains6. Since the first half of the 17th century, the most exported Venetian products to Transylvania were the textiles, followed by glassware,
dyes, mercery small wares, sporadically refined cane sugar, sweets and medicinal products7. Except for clothes, which had a more significant share, as volume and diversity, the rest of Venetian goods sold in Transylvania were tiny quantities of “small wares” taxed globally by the custom-houses, with a fix amount
of money8. The custom books reveal the small volume of such Venetian goods
imported, in certain years, into Transylvania. In 1684, in the custom-house from
Turnu Roºu only 13 florins were paid for Venetian goods9, whereas, next year,
the sum was 12.50 florins10, examples which prove that the goods taxed were
small wares with a low taxation. The Venetian merchandise was also imported
into Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia on an indirect route, being purchased by company and independent merchants from the periodical marts held
in the Balkans11.
From the Romanian Principalities, Venice imported, in the 17th–18th centuries,
considerable quantities of raw materials: raw wax, raw and tanned cattle hides,
salted fish and pressed caviar, sometimes wool and cattle. From Transylvania there
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 315
were sold on the Venetian market much smaller quantities of wax and cattle hides,
if compared to the export of Wallachia and Moldavia, the main suppliers of the
Serenissima – and, by its workhouses, of vast areas from the Northern and Central
Italian Peninsula – with such raw materials.
In 1610, a Venetian report mentioned that goods from “Wallachia, Transylvania
and Moldavia” reached Spalato, carried by caravans over the Balkan routes12.
Sporadically, Transylvania also exported to Venice goods which were not very
common in the Romanian Principalities’ foreign trade: mercury, as native ore
or worked (liquid) product (a valued merchandise since the 16th century, due
to its usage in medicine and production of inks), and, from the 17th century, copper. Thus, in September 1628, an unmentioned quantity of “Transylvanian
copper” was among the goods of a caravan, which, although on its way to Spalato,
intending to send to Venice its entire cargo (46 horses; 6 burdens of tanned hides;
a burden of raw wax and one of wool), was compelled by an Ottoman provincial official to head to Ragusa13, the main competitor of the Serenissima in
their struggle to control the trade between the Balkans and the Italian Peninsula.
The Venetian authorities were motivated, in promoting a commercial policy
that stimulated the exchanges of goods with Eastern and Central Europe, by more
than their interest for the agro-pastoral raw materials of the Romanian Principalities.
The possibility to export to these areas, on markets where the competition of the
Western economic powers was lower, goods such as fabrics, glassware or paper
was an excellent opportunity to sell the production of the Venetian workhouses in profitable conditions. In the context of a preference for well defined categories of goods, the commercial relations between the Romanian Principalities
and Venice acquired a specialised character, so that the merchants involved in
mutual exchanges took control over several segments of the market, such as
the trade in raw wax and raw and tanned cattle hides. Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia,
the central Venetian authority responsible with the Serenissima’s economic
policy, stated in 1692, in a report sent to the doge: “[…] gran parte del ritratto di queste cere viene dai mercanti greci, sudditi et habitanti in questa Dominante
[Venice], impiegati in manifatture peculiari della Città”14. On 28 April 1699,
motivating the importance of the office of Venetian consul at Durazzo for the
development of Serenissima’s foreign trade, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia stated
that “per quella parte se indirizzano mercantie dalla Macedonia, et altre parti della
Grecia, et dalla Moldavia, Transilvania, e Valacchia”15. The extraordinary ambassador Carlo Ruzzini, one of the most famous Venetian diplomats, who crowned
his prestigious political career by his election as doge in 1732, mentioned, in a
report sent from Constantinople to the Venetian Senate, on 20 November 1719,
that the hides and wax imported to Venice came “nella maggior parte dalla
Valacchia”16. Indeed, documentary sources prove that the commercial companies
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of the Epirote Greeks, former Ottoman subjects, Nicolò Caragiani (Greek:
Νικόλαος Καραιάννης)17 and Andrea Cottoni (Greek: Ανδρέας Κουτίνας)18 controlled a large part of the trade in raw wax and cattle hides sold at Venice in
the last two decades of the 17th century and the first four decades of the 18th
century19. The Greek and Aromanian merchants involved in the primary acquisition, transport and selling of these raw materials established durable cooperation relations with the two commercial companies, preserving their own control
only over the last segment of the business: the maritime transport from the Dalmatian
coast to Venice, completion of formalities and payment of custom taxes, and, finally, wholesale trade of merchandise. Nevertheless, by their statute as Ottoman subjects, the Greek and Aromanian merchants could not sell their goods in bulk to
Venice; even the companies of the Greeks with Venetian citizenship preferred to
wholesale trade the raw materials; the raw wax, for example, was worked in Venetian
refinement workhouses, so that profitability was secured by the large volume of
goods traded at competitive prices, which guarantied rapid access to liquidities
and the working capital necessary for new investments.
The Epirote Greeks were among the most active and successful merchants
involved in the trade between Venice and the Romanian Principalities. The founders
of the family companies Caragiani and Cottoni were Epirotes, having a common
origin to numerous other merchants settled in Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania.
The identity and activity of several such tradesmen is known, due to contemporary documentary and narrative sources, which prove their role of veritable
protagonists of the international trade in South-Eastern Europe, with their commercial enterprises extending to the centre of the continent. Stephen Baboulaios
or Baboulas (Greek: Στέφανος Μπαµπούλας), son of Markos (Greek: Μάρκος)
from Ioannina20, was such a merchant, representative for the diversity of the commercial business in which he was involved, the geographical area on which his
business ventures spread and the network of relations he had. Known as István
Bablay in Transylvania, where he had initially settled down and worked, before
heading to Moldavia and becoming provider of Venetian luxury goods at Vasile
Lupu’s court, Stephen Baboulaios is mentioned in contemporary sources with
the Italianised and Romanised name of Stefano/ªtefan Bablai. He had a significant experience in Transylvania, participating, individually or in cooperation with
company merchants, to the Transylvanian-Venetian trade, which explains the confidence he received from Vasile Lupu. The Moldavian prince requested him to
get luxury goods from Venice, obtaining, through the mediation of the great
dragoman of the Venetian Embassy at Constantinople, Giovanni Antonio Grillo,
exemption from custom dues payable to the Serenissima’s treasury for the
goods destined to the princely court21. Thus, at Vasile Lupu’s order, Baboulaios
purchased from Venice, in January 1647, a significant quantity of high quality
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 317
fabrics, silk, clothes with gold and silver thread and other small wares22. Two years
later, the same Epirote merchant was sent again to Venice to purchase goods
for Vasile Lupu’s court, after the Moldavian ruler had requested the imperial
dragoman Michele d’Asquier to get for his envoy a safe conduct and exemption for custom taxes during the transit through the territories of the House of
Austria23. Stephen Baboulaios did not go to Venice only to purchase the products of the local workhouses, but also to trade on the Venetian market MoldoWallachian raw wax24. In 1650, in partnership with three Greek merchants,
Baboulaios gathered 259 bales of raw wax from Wallachia, which he took to
Venice, where he refined the merchandise and sold the final product to Messina25,
obviously for a higher profit. In 1652, Stephen Baboulaios returned to Venice,
on the Central European routes, to purchase once more different goods for Vasile
Lupu and his court; in a letter sent to the imperial diplomatic representative to
Constantinople, Simon Reniger, the prince of Moldavia expressed his gratitude
to Emperor Ferdinand III for the privilege granted to Baboulaios, who brought
different goods from the Venetian Lagoon without paying custom taxes in the
imperial territories he crossed26. The dispute between Stephen Baboulaios and
the descendents of Leondari Ghionma (Romanian: Ghiorma), regarding the partition of the fortune of the former great custom officer of Moldavia, deceased
in Jassy in 1642, is only of limited interest for us, as Lidia Cotovanu proved
that the two Epirote families were related by affinity27. It is much more relevant, in order to illustrate the consistency of the capitals employed and the
profitability of the transactions with raw materials in the Romanian Principalities,
to present Stephen Baboulaios’ commercial activities. From Transylvania, Stephen
Baboulaios moved to Moldavia, where he became provider of luxury products
for the princely court and a favourite of Vasile Lupu, position from which he visited Venice numerous times, taking advantage of the possibility to trade on the
local market raw materials coming from the entire Romanian territory. In 1660
Baboulaios was residing at Venice, where he had settled several years before, very
probably immediately after his protector, Vasile Lupu, lost the Moldavian throne.
Most probably, the “Transylvanian merchant” mentioned by Gheorghe ªtefan,
the Moldavian prince who dethroned Vasile Lupu, in a letter addressed on 20
June 1656 to the doge Bertucci Valier, is Stephen Baboulaios, then in open
dispute with his Moldavian associates28. The latter were not the only ones denouncing the attitude of the Epirote merchant. A former associate, Giorgio Delios, tried
to get back from him 7,960 Spanish silver reali, amount resulted from the selling of a wax transport, but which Stephen Baboulaios owed him on account
of an older unpaid debt29. In December 1660, Stephen Baboulaios was looked
for at Venice by his creditor, Giorgio Delios30, but he returned to the city only
in July 1661, after a business trip to Florence. Baboulaios owned a house in
318 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
Venice, in the St. Severus parish; probably in a liquidities crisis, he offered the
goods recently bought at Florence, “casse tre di rasi fiorentini fatti alla lucchese, pezze trenta de diversi colori”, to the Greek merchants Panos Manos, son
of Athanasios of Trikala (Greek: Τρίκαλα), and Ioannis Kolynos, son of Nikolaos
of Ioannina31, goods which were blocked in the custom house from the capital
of the Great Duchy of Toscana, receiving in compensation an amount of money
or a part of the sum resulted from selling the mentioned textile products. Thus,
from the Romanian Principalities, in which he improved his trading skills, Stephen
Baboulaios became a resident merchant in one of the largest economic centres of
the Italian Peninsula, a qualitative leap clearly illustrating the career of an Epirote
who contributed to the linkage of the Northern Danubian areas to the Western
and Mediterranean economic capitalist circuit.
Another merchant involved in Transylvania’s foreign trade, who very probably also traded Wallachian and Moldavian goods, was a certain “Cristo”, who,
in August 1670, brought a transport of wax to Spalato32. Cristo (Greek: Κρίστο)
certainly derives from Christos (Greek: Χρήστος), a biblical baptized name
common in the Greek world. “Cristo di Transilvania” must have been a Greek
settled in the Principality, a company or unaffiliated merchant who profited from
the reopening of the port of Spalato for the transit of goods to Venice, after
the long period of blockage determined by the recently concluded VenetianOttoman military conflict (1645-1669), to bring the valued raw material to
Venice. Taking into account that, in the short time since the conclusion of
peace with the Porte, the Venetian authorities could not reconstruct the entire
port infrastructure of Spalato, where the Lazaretto was not yet functional, Cristo
requested and was allowed to have his cargo of wax exempted from the payment of “vareea”, the tax imposed for the storage and empirical disinfection of
the goods subjected to the compulsory period of quarantine33.
Many members of the “Greek” Companies from Transylvania were native
of Epirus and Macedonia, the Greek Epirotes and the Aromanian merchants being
extremely active in the Romanian Principalities’ foreign trade, especially regarding the exchanges of goods with Venice34. We know the fruitful links from the
last decade of the 17th century and the first two decades of the 18th century of
the Epirote and Moscopolean merchants, preponderantly involved in the trade
between Venice and the Romanian Principalities, with the “Greek” Company
from Braºov, in which some of the merchants were members35. Among the Greeks
who resided in Wallachia, a significant role in the Romanian-Venetian commercial relations was played by Apostolos Manos36, Nikos Papas Zarafi37 and his
son Panaiotis Hagi Nikos38, the Pepanos brothers39, Ivan or Ioannis Zarafi40, Panos
Damianos41. An active contribution also had, in the exchanges of goods between
the Romanian Principalities and the Serenissima, the Epirote Greeks resident
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 319
in Venice: the Glykis family42, George Cumanos43, George Papas44, Panos Stratis45.
Before 1769, the Aromanians from Moscopole, one of the most important
economic centres of the southern Balkan Peninsula, were among the merchants
who, in cooperation with their Greek brethren, brought to Venice, from the
Romanian Principalities, large quantities of raw materials. For several decades,
merchants such as Adam Demetrios, Demetrios Bendu46, Alexis Gheorghiu47,
Ioannes Papa48, Michael Gheorghiu Sideri49, Theodoros son of Costantine50,
Nicholas Theodoros51 and others52 were constantly among the main providers
of raw wax, cattle hides and wool to the Venetian market. We have already
mentioned that at Venice the goods were taken mainly by the commercial companies who, in association with the majority of the merchants who bought raw
materials from the Romanian Principalities and the Balkans, controlled the
selling segment from the Lagoon. Besides the Caragiani and Cottoni companies,
other Greek merchants intermediated or managed directly the selling of the
raw materials coming from Eastern Europe: George Stamatello53, Stavros (Greek:
Σταύρος) Molitinis54, son of Statis (Greek: Στάτης) from Ioannina.
Several new figures of foreign merchants settled in Wallachia, involved in
regional and international trade, emerged from the unpublished documents
analysed in the historical literature in the past years. Two of the tradesmen
were Ioannis Riso (Greek: Ιωάννης Ρύζι), son of a certain Riso from Wallachia55,
the other Sava Stoia, son of Stoia from Bucharest56. If Ioannis Riso could only
have been a Greek, whose family was at the second generation after naturalisation in Wallachia, Sava Stoia was probably a descendent of a merchant with Serbian
or Bulgarian origins. Both merchants, Ioannis Riso and Sava Stoia, were involved
in the trade between the Romanian Principalities and Venice.
Whereas Venice continued to export to Transylvania fabrics and small wares57,
which probably represented accessories for clothing, pieces of clothing, cosmetics, perhaps even spices, the Venetian market received from the Romanian
Principalities the same raw materials necessary for the manufacturing economy
of the Lagoon and Terraferma. In 1702, the merchants coming from the Northern
Danubian area transited through Durazzo the wax and the hides brought to
Venice58. In June the same year, a group of “Valacchi, Transilvani et Ungari” merchants got to Zagreb with 400 bales of wax, which was to be supplemented with
a transport of 600 more bales; before proceeding to their destination, the merchants were expecting the Venetian central authorities to indicate the Dalmatian
port where to load the goods on the ships that were to take carry them to the
Lagoon59. These merchants acted in cooperation with some of the Greeks members of the St. George Confraternity from Venice, which represented them in the
relations with the Serenissima’s central authorities60, guaranteeing them the immediate take over of the goods for being sold on the Venetian market. Following
320 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
the above mentioned request, sent to the Venetian Senate by Tommaso Mondini,
the delegate of the “Wallachian, Transylvanian and Hungarian” merchants, imperial subjects, thus coming from Transylvania, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia disposed, on 24 June 1702, to direct the entire quantity of raw wax to Capodistria,
the Venetian city-port in the Istria Peninsula, where the wax was to remain in
quarantine and then be loaded on the commercial ships which carried it to Venice61.
But the 400 bales of wax finally got to the port of Buccari (Croatian: Bakar), a
part being sent directly to Venice, and the rest brought to Albona (Croatian:
Labin) and given to the custody of podestà Girolamo Balbi62. The merchants delegated Pietro Zeno to request, on 11 August 1702, to the central Venetian authorities to take the necessary measures to transport from Albona to Venice the
mentioned bales of wax and to facilitate the transport of the raw materials that
was to come, up to 1,000 bales of raw wax sent from the Northern Danubian
area to Venice in 170263.
If the identity of the “Wallachian, Transylvanian and Hungarian” merchants
who sent to Venice the transports of wax is not known, we have two contractual agreements from the same year, 1702, which reveal the identity of several
merchants involved in trading raw wax from the Northern Danubian area. Thus,
on 2 December 1702, Gaspar Nancich (Serbian: Nancić), son of “Gregorio da
Vinz in Transilvania”, mentioned the Cottoni Company as responsible for taking over and selling to Venice 50 bales of wax, already loaded on the commercial ship “Stella Mattutina”64. On the same transport vessel there were loaded
other 48 bales of wax, belonging to the merchants George Andreanis, son of
Nicholas from Craiova, and his associate Ioannis Zarafi, the merchandise being
sent to be sold at Venice to the Epirote merchant Nicolò Caragiani65. The merchant Gaspar Nancich, identified as being the son of Gregory of Vinþ (the
present-day settlement of Vinþul de Jos, in the Alba County; German: Wintz,
Winzendorf, Weinsdorf; Hungarian: Alvinc), can thus be the descendent of a
Southern-Danubian Slav settled in Transylvania for a long time. George Andreanis
(Greek: Γεώργιος Ανδριανής), son of Nicholas (Greek: Νικόλαος) of Craiova, came
certainly from a Greek family, very probably of merchants, settled in the administrative and economic centre of Little Wallachia, city with a consistent mercantile component, placed on a road connecting the Romanian area with the commercial arteries of the Balkans.
Ioannis Zarafi, known in Wallachia as Ivan the Moneychanger66, was even
before December 1702, when he associated himself with George Andreanis,
one of the merchants involved in the Romanian Principalities’ foreign trade. In
March 1702, Ioannis Zarafi lost a load of 3,100 okes of wool, when the Ottoman
commercial ship that was to carry from Durazzo to Venice his merchandise
and that of tens of other merchants, preponderantly Greek subjects of the Porte,
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 321
was captured by the Venetian brigand Marco Stucanovich of Perasto67. The damage did not discourage Ioannis Zarafi, who, only a few months later, in July 1702,
sent to Durazzo an unmentioned quantity of raw wax, goods coming from the
Northern Danubian area and from the Balkans, and did as the other Greek
merchants, that is by giving to the Caragiani Company the right to sell the
raw materials to Venice68.
The profitability of the trade with raw materials coming from the Romanian
Principalities determined the Greek merchants naturalised in Wallachia to travel often to Venice, especially when they intended to purchase quality products
from the Serenissima’s market. The dethronement of Constantin Brâncoveanu,
in 1714, and the relegation of Stephen Cantacuzino, in 1716, followed by the
Austrian-Ottoman war and the plague epidemics of 1718-19 did not allow
several Greek merchants from Wallachia to return to their towns. Panaiotis
Hagi Nikos, one of the most important merchants from Wallachia in the second half of the 18th century69, Ioannis Riso, Sava Stoia are mentioned in unpublished notarial documents – succinctly presented in the following pages – as being
present at Venice for several successive years, if not uninterruptedly, at least
with a certain regularity. They used modern juridical instruments, issued by a
Venetian notary, were interviewed and took oaths regarding the situation from
their adoption country, restored the connections with those who had been in
the service of the former Wallachian princes. The meeting of the former employees and adepts of the prince with several of the merchants involved in the exchanges
of goods between the Serenissima and the Romanian Principalities took place
in the context of the steps taken by the representatives of Constantin Brâncoveanu’s
descendents to secure to the grandson of the former Wallachian prince the
right of property over the bank deposits of his late grandfather. Thus, the mentioned Greek merchants settled in Wallachia, as well as the former secretary
and physician of Constantin Brâncoveanu were requested by the physician George
Hypomenas, the representative of the widow and grandson of the late prince
of Wallachia, to take under oath several notarial declarations. On 20 September
1717 there are mentioned, as witnesses in a notarial act, among others, the physician Jacob Pylarino, the merchant Stephanos Stratis and the physician Stavros
Moulaimis70. On 17 November 1717, Panaiotis Hagi Nikos71 and Ioannis Riso
declared that the unique male descendent of Constantin Brâncoveanu was his
grandson, Constantin III Brâncoveanu, after the execution by the Ottomans of
the former prince of Wallachia and his four sons72. On 19 November, Anton Maria
Del Chiaro, Panaiotis Hagi Nikos and Ioannis Riso declared that there were
no courts and notaries in Wallachia, and the acts unanimously recognised were
those issued by the metropolitan73, but having, of course, juridical value before
all documents issued by the princely chancery and the documents signed in the
322 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
presence of witnesses. Six days later, Del Chiaro and Panaiotis Hagi Nikos signed
a new notarial declaration, mentioning that they did not know anything about
the existence of a will of Constantin Brâncoveanu or of his sons, and neither
the metropolitan of Wallachia had any information in this regard74. Anton
Maria Del Chiaro, Panaiotis Hagi Nikos and Ioannis Riso also declared under
oath, regarding the inheritance of the late prince Constantin Brâncoveanu, that
in “[...] succedono liberamente li maschi, essendo questa una antichissima consuetudine osservata inalterabilmente et indifferentemente”75.
The presence of these merchants to Venice allowed them to regulate several
private questions, so that among the notarial documents issued by the notary
Emilio Velano we identified two declarations which confirm the authenticity
of Nikos Papas Zarafi’s will, act elaborated in Wallachia on 1 June 1716. In the
first of the notarial declarations, both dated 10 December 1717, the physician
George Hypomenas and Stephanos Stratis confirmed under oath that the will
had the autograph signature of Nikos Papas Zarafi, as well as the fact that he had
died at Bucharest on 19 November 171676. In the second notarial act, George
Hypomenas and Anton Maria Del Chiaro declared that Nikos Papas Zarafi’s will
was authentic, the authenticity being confirmed by the holograph signatures of
Hrisant Notaras, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and of Mitrofan of Razgrad, the metropolitan of Wallachia77. Nikos Papas Zarafi had left to his son Panaiotis Hagi
Nikos a considerable fortune, including important amounts of money at Venice,
in Nicolò Caragiani’s custody and in a deposit from Zecca78. Panaiotis Hagi Nikos
travelled to Venice, as in January 1725 the brothers Radu Cantacuzino and
Constantin Cantacuzino appointed him, instead of Sava Stoia, representative with
full powers to act in their name and interest in the relations with the Venetian
merchants and authorities79. On 4 June 1716, Sava Stoia appointed the Venetian
merchant Demetrio Cozzi, son of Angelo Cozzi, as his representative to deal
in court or in the relations with other Venetian authorities any problem relative to a financial deposit of the late Stephen Cantacuzino’s descendents80. Sava
Stoia, son of the Bulgarian merchant Stoia of Èerven, settled in Bucharest, was
appointed in 1727 responsible with endorsing at Venice the interests of the
Wallachian monastery of Colþea, which had, from donations, financial deposits
at Zecca. Sava Stoia resided only temporarily at Venice, so that on 31 June
1726 he appointed the wealthy Greek-Venetian merchant Lambros Maruzzi81 his
representative, to replace him when he was not absent from the city, but on 13
June 1727 Sava Stoia replaced him with Ioannis Abramios, former confessor
at Constantin Brâncoveanu’s court82.
The inclusion of Transylvania among the provinces of the House of Austria
and the temporary annexation of Little Wallachia, by the effects of the Treaty
of Passarowitz (1718), but especially the conclusion of a commercial agree-
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 323
ment with the Porte, the promotion of a coherent economic policy and the establishment of the regime of free ports for Trieste and Fiume opened to the Habsburg
Empire83 the way for the direct trade in Oriental goods; the emergence of this
reputable competitor increased the competition for supremacy in the commercial relations between Eastern Europe and the Italian Peninsula84. This was the
period of full affirmation of the Aromanians as protagonists in the mediumand long-distance trade85, as from the end of the second decade of the 18th century the number of the merchants involved in the exchanges of goods with Venice
increased considerably. In August 1745, Demetrios Theodoros of Moscopole purchased from Venice “panni balle 8, tagli 33; due casse con libri; velutto ocche 16;
brocadello ocche due; una cassa merci; casse due vetri; carta balle due”86. On
26 October the same year, the Moscopolean Ioannis Manole and George Ghira
transited through the port of Durazzo the goods purchased at Venice: bales of
fabrics, velvet, fire arms, small wares87. A year later, on 7 September 1746, the
merchants Lazãr George and Demetrios Theodoros, both identified as natives of
Moscopole, left Venice with goods destined for Eastern Europe: fabrics, velvet, brocade, glassware, fine pottery, copper objects, 3 bales of books88. These
examples, which illustrate the typology of the Venetian goods which, since the
end of the 17th century and up to the first half of the 18th century, reached to
the markets of the Ottoman Empire, Transylvania, Wallachia, Moldavia and even
Poland, are representative to stress the complementary character of the commercial
relation between Venice and the Romanian Principalities or, generally speaking, Eastern Europe.
Before the middle of the 18th century, Venice continued to import large
quantities of wax from the Romanian territory, large parts of which were brought
to the Lagoon on the Balkan or Central-European routes to the port of Trieste,
from where they transited the Adriatic onboard commercial ships89. The members of the great merchant Nicolò Caragiani’s family continued the business of
their ascendant and participated actively in the exchanges of goods in the framework of the Romanian-Venetian commercial relations. A Venetian document
of 1744 mentioned: “Alcuni Veneti Mercanti, tra li quali lo ditto Michiel Careggiani,
hanno da molti anni traffichi con altri mercanti di Valachia, da dove in compensatione di loro mercanzia ricevono cere, provenienti o dalla stessa Valachia
o da luoghi soggetti alla Porta Ottomana. Il viaggio solito di queste cere era
per la Transilvania […]”90.
Beyond drafting some landmarks in the evolution of the foreign trade of
Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia, through the identification and presentation of the activity of several Greek and Romanian merchants, we tried to
recreate the background, both heterogeneous and dynamic, which characterised
the economy of the Romanian Principalities in the age of the penetration and
324 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
affirmation of the Habsburgs in the commercial competition from Eastern Europe.
The consistent activity of the members of the Greek Companies from Transylvania,
the increase in the number of merchants who acted inside and outside them,
the full affirmation of the Aromanians and the increasing influence of the Greeks
secured a competitive milieu which contributed to economic progress, accumulation of capital, consolidation of patrimonial situation, thus, in certain cases,
to the social ascension and political involvement of these merchants.
Appendix
I
Venice, August 19, 1702. Decision of the Venetian Senate regarding the request of
the merchants in Wallachia, Transylvania and Hungary to have at disposal commercial
ships in order to send to Venice the raw wax in Capodistria.
1702, 19 Agosto, in Pregadi
Attenti i Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia a tutto ciò che facilitar possi il commercio per questa
Dominante, rappresentano nella diligente scrittura hora letta che permesso con Decreto di questo
Consilio 24 Giugno passato a’ mercanti il ricapito di 400 coli cera in Capo d’Istria, si siano anco
adricciati a quella parte, dove ne stava per giungere di breve dell’altra, per la somma in tutto
di coli mille, aggiungendo in appresso che in Albona ve ne siano raccolti 277, e che i mercanti medesimi supplicavano l’assistenza de’ Pubblici Legni per i trasporti a questa Piazza, nella
difficoltà delle congiunture presenti. Mentre però non si lascia di commendare la vigilante attentione d’essi Cinque Savi, resta eccitato il loro fervido zelo a commettere in primo luogo a’ mercanti interessati la speditione da questa parte di Peote a posta per il carico, munendole delle
Patenti, e Recapiti neccessarii, e per quella riguarda alla sicurezza nel camino (nel mentre
che con la sopravvenienza dell’Almirante si va disponendo la pronta mossa del Capitanio alla
Guardia Donado) haveranno i predetti Cinque Savii a ben intendersi col Savio alla Scrittura
per da negotianti di questa Piazza, e particolarmente di Natione Greca, fu prodotta nel Magistrato
nostro nel mese di Giugno passato una scrittura rappresentando che in vece di capitare a Buccari
colli 400 cera di ragione de’ mercanti Valachi, Transilvani et Ungari si erano fermati a Zagabria
con esse cere anche i propietarii, a motivo delle correnti emergenze, ricercando dall’accolto
dell’Eccellentissimo Senato non solo gl’ordini diretti a’ Pubblici Rappresentanti, a fine che da
medesimi gli fosse permesso nello Stato l’ingresso delle predette cere e de’ altri 600 colli in circa
che ci attenderanno, ma la facoltà pur anche di farli avanzare in Capo d’Istria per poter poi
quelli far trasportare con sicurezza in questa Città, così che incontrando bandiere estere potessero
essere esenti da pericoli. Accompagnata dal magistrato la predetta scrittura a riflesso dell’Eccellenze
Vostre, poi dall’Eccellentissimo Senato permesso l’ingresso et avanzamento supplicato sino a Capo
d’Istria per maggior facilità de’ trasporti col Decreto 24 Giugno, tempo nel quale non era per
anche emanata la Deliberatione pubblicata 8 Luglio che concede facoltà al Magistrato di
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 325
rilasciare le Patenti per sicurezza de’ Legni et effetti che navigano per la Dominante. Per quanto poi si raccoglie i detti colli 400 ch’erano in Zagabria passarono a Buccari et ivi furono caricati sopra quattro Peotte, due delle quali giunsero a salvamento in questa Città, e due temendo qualche sinistre accidente passarono in Albona consignandosi a quel Pubblico Rappresentante
colli 277, e come dalla di lui ricevuta, dopo la quale ricorsi gl’interessati impetrarono da Noi
lettera al medesimo Pubblico Rappresentante diretta per dover tener in loco cauto e sicuro li predetti colli 277 sino al’altro ordine nostro essendo in questo fra tempo successo l’incendio delle
due Peotte che havevano già fatto il discarico dell’antedette cere. Comparsi poi li mentionati
Mercanti sotto il giorno d’hieri presentarono la unita scrittura, con la quale in primo luoco
implorano il sicuro trasporto di altri cere capitate a Capo d’Istria, in virtù del predetto decreto 24 Giugno decorso, et dell’altri che anderanno ivi giungendo in sicurezza, come sperano de
colli in tutto mille in circa, pronti gl’interessati di spedire Pedotte o altri Legni simili a caricarli,
quando la caravana accolta della Signoria Vostra si degnarsi farli scortare da’ Legni Pubblici
o dalle Barche armate da Capo d’Istria o in quell’altra miglior forma, che fosse reputata proprio dall’incomparabile prudenza dell’Eccellenze Vostre, implorando in secondo luoco anche il
sicuro trasporto delli antedetti colli 277 di cera capitati in Albona per poter godere il beneficio
della stagione propitia alla imbiancatura, che a gran passi principia ad allontanarsi, oltre
esser la Dominante in molta penuria di un requisito tanto necessario con la consideratione di
più dei Pubblici Datii e come per detta scrittura, che dalla nostra attentione et ossequio si soggetta a’ riflessi della Pubblica Provvidenza. Grazie!
Dal Magistrato de’ V Savi alla Mercanzia, 12 Agosto 1702.
Tommaso Cornar Savio
Giovanni Nani Savio
Andrea Loredan Savio alla Mercanzia
[…] Illustrissimi et Eccellentissimi Signori Cinque Savii alla Mercantia
Essendo stato permesso, con Decreto dell’Eccellentissimo Senato 24 Giugno passato, che le cere
colli numero 400 che dalla Valachia, Transilvania et Ungharica [sic!] doveano capitare a Buccari
per questa Dominante, possano far Scala in Capo d’Istria, come dal Decreto medesimo viene
disposto; dobbiamo hora rappresentare all’Eccellenze Vostre haver già prencipiato il loro recapito,
e che anderà succedendo come si spera in numero di colli mille incirca; si che apprissi l’adito
della Pubblica protetione ad’oggetto, che possano le cere tutte sin hora gionte et che anderanno pervenendo capitare in questa Città, con ogni maggior sicurezza, senza incontrare quei pericoli
che fanno molta guerra all’animo degli interessati; certa cosa essendo che la maggior parte di queste
cere sono dovute in pagamento de’ nostri effetti, fidati a’ negotianti Valachi, Transilvani et Ungari.
Se l’Eccellenze Vostre si degnavono comandare, che siano da noi spedite Pedotte o altro Legno
per il loro trasporto, si come ci humiliaremo al comando, così con il maggior ossequio supplichiamo l’Eccellenze Vostre impetrare dall’Eccellentissimo Senato la scorta de’ Pubblici Legni, tra
quali si potrebbero impiegare le due Barche armate di Capo d’Istria o in quell’altra miglior
forma, che fosse reputata proprio dalla prudenza dell’Eccellenze Vostre.
Con tal occasione soggiungeremo esser capitati colli numero 277 di cera in Albona, e che
si come da quel Pubblico rappresentante è stata fatta la ricevuta, et dall’Eccellenze Vostre
rilasciata lettera a nostra instanza, che non siano essi colli 277 mossi senza precedente ordine
326 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
di questo riverito Eccellentissimo Magistrato. Così hora supplichiamo Vostre Eccellenze implorare dall’Eccellentissimo Senato anche il sicuro trasporto dei predetti colli di Albona, a fine
che celeramente giunti possano le cere col pagamento de’ datii godere il beneficio della stagione propitia alla imbiancatura, che a gran passi principia ad allontanarsi, oltre l’esser la
Dominante in molta penuria di questo requisito tanto necessario. Gratie!
Adì 11 Agosto 1702.
Presentata da Domino Pietro Zeno per nome suo et [degli] altri mercanti interessati.
(ASV, Senato Mar, fz. 766, unnumbered doc., 18th century copy)
II
Venice, November 17, 1717. Actuary statement by which Panaiotis Hagi Nikos and
Ioannis Riso declares that Constantin Brâncoveanu’s unique heir was his nephew, Constantin
III Brâncoveanu.
[17 November 1717]
Costituiti avanti a me nodaro e testimonii infrascritti il Signor Panagiotti, quondam Nico
Seraffi dalla Gianena, et il Signor Zuanne Riso, quondam Riso da Valacchia, li quali con
loro giuramento in mano mia prestato factii scripturii attestano qualmente il fu Serenissimo
Costantino Brancovano Principe di Valacchia hebbe quattro figlioli maschi, cioè Costantino,
Stefano, Redolfo [sic!] e Mattia, de’ quali non si maritò né hebbe figlioli altro che il primogenito
Constantino suddetto, un figliolo maschio nominato Constantino, quale attualmente vive in
età pupillare, essendo stati tutti li predetti quattro figlioli, unitamente con Constantino il padre,
decapitati in Costantinopoli, senza aver lasciato altra posterità che il pupillo sopradetto; le quali
cose affermano sapere li sopradetti Signori attestanti per perfetta cognitione et scientia che
sopra ciò ne tenghono. Onde per esser tale la verità fanno questa giurata attestatione per
espressione della medesima. In quorum ecc. Presenti in scrittoria di me Nodaro il Signor
Constantino, quondam Simon Hipomena da Trabisonda, et il Signor Zuanne Bertella, quondam Bortolo, Testimonii ecc.
(ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, f. 180v, 18th century notarial copy)
III
Venice, November 19, 1717. Actuary statement by which Anton Maria del Chiaro,
Ioannis Riso and Panaiotis Hagi Nikos declares that in Wallachia did not exist public
notaries, and the acts of the privateers were emitted and legalized by the Metropolitan
of Ungrovlachia, thus having public availability.
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 327
Die 19 mensii Novembrii 1717
Costituiti avanti a me nodaro e testimonii infrascritti il Signor Antonio Maria Del Chiaro,
quondam Signor Simeon di Fiorenza, Maestro della lingua italiana e latina appresso li Prencipi
di Valacchia, il Signor Panagiotti, quondam Nico Seraffi dalla Gianena, et il Signor Zuanne
Riso, quondam Riso da Valacchia, li quali con loro giuramento in mano mia prestato factii scripturii attestano qualmente nella Valacchia, come in tutta la Grecia, non essendo Tribunali di
Giustitia ogni e cadaun atto, procura, attestato, tutela, et qualsi sia altra sorte di carta niuna
eccettuata si fanno cavar [dal] Episcopo, et questi sono fermi, rati, e validi, et si osservano per veri
in ogni luoco e parte del mondo. Le quali cose affermano saper detti Signori attestanti per l’ottima cognitione che sopra ciò ne tenghono, onde per esser tale la verità fanno questa giurata attestatione per espressione della medesima. In quorum ecc. Presenti in scrittoria di me Nodaro il Molto
Reverendo Signor Domino Martin Chiurcho, quondam Signor Zorzi da Parenzo, Missionario
ai Miracoli, et il Signor Constantin Caziani, quondam Zuanne da Salonichio, ricognitori
anco delli sopradetti attestanti, Testimonii ecc.
(ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, f. 179r, 18th century notarial copy)
IV
Venice, December 10, 1717. Actuary statement by which the physician George
Hypomenas and Stephanos Stratis confirmed under oath that the will had the autograph
signature of Nikos Papas Zarafi, as well as the fact that he had died at Bucharest on
November 19, 1716.
[10 December 1717]
Costituiti avanti a me nodaro e testimonii infrascritti il Signor Dottor Giorgio Trapesuntio,
quondam Signor Simeon da Trabisonda, et Signor Stefano Strati, quondam Signor Anastasio
da San Donà, li quali con loro giuramento in mano mia prestato factii scripturii attestano qualmente il quondam Nico Papà de Papà Pano Dili esser l’istesso che s’è sottoscritto nel suo testamento del dì primo giugno 1716, Nico Papà Saraffi significando il nome di Saraffi nel linguaggio turchesco Cambista; et esser detto quondam Nico Papà passato a miglior vita sotto li 19
novembre dell’anno 1716 in Bucoresti di Valacchia; le quali cose affermano sapere detti
Signori attestanti di vera scienza et ottima cognizione che sopra ciò ne tenghono; onde per
esser tale la verità fanno questa giurata attestatione per espressione della medesima. In quorum ecc. Presenti in Scrittoria di me Nodaro l’Illustrissimo Signor Pietro David, quondam
Signor Antonio, et il Signor Giacomo Gentili, figliolo del Signor Nicolò, Testimonii ecc.
(ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, f. 187r, 18th century notarial copy)
328 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
V
Spalato, September 20, 1721. The report of Commisario ai Confini Alvise Mocenigo
to the doge, illustrating the Habsburg policy after the occupation and annexation of
Serbia, Banat and Little Wallachia, to direct the goods from this regions and from the
Romanian Principalities towards the Fiume harbour.
Serenissimo Principe,
[…] Le mercanzie, che alle Scale Venete concorrevano dalli più interni Stati Ottomani nei tempi
passati, non sono da sperarsi, interrotta essendo l’affluenza non tanto dell’inibizione de’
Turchi, o dalla necessità del consumo dei Capitali nei propri Paesi, quanto dalla declinazione
de sui prodotti, carni, pellami, cere, formagli, e lane, e dalla diversione nella maggior parte degli
acquisti […]*, e ricchi di Cesare su li fiumi reali, e navigabili. Temisvar, e Belgrado, l’uno di
là, l’altro di qua del Danubio, situato nel cuore delle più fertili Province Ottomane, appena
mutato Sovrano, fecero cambiar camino al negozio, unendo quello del nuovo acquisto della Servia
con gli altri antichi della Transilvania, Valacchia, per gran facilità di trasporti somministravano con il Tibisco altri comodi fiumi, perché contigui a vaste pianure, e passando nel Danubio
di là senza altri tracciarsi, al contrario del Savo, ridicono le merci a schiena di cavallo sino al
Porto di Fiume.
[…] Spalato, 20 settembre 1721.
Alvise Mocenigo, Commissario ai Confini.
(ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 18, unnumbered doc., 18th century copy)
VI
Venice, June 31, 1726. Actuary statement by which Sava Stoia appointed the Greek
merchant Lambros Maruzzi his representative to negotiate with the Serenissima’s merchants and institutions with regard to everything dealing with the banking deposit at
Zecca of Colþea monastery’s hospital.
Die 31 giugno 1726
Il Signor Sava, figlio del Signor Stoia da Bucoressti, spontaneamente ha creato e costituito suo
legittimo Procuratore e commesso, il Signor Lambro Manuzzi benché absente ma come presente.
A poter scoder dall’Offitio Eccellentissimo della Cecca, et da qualunque Cassa Pubblica tutti
li prò corsi, et che di tempo in tempo com’erano dovuti e spettanti al suddetto Signor Sava
come Procurator disse dell’Ospital di Santi tre Hierarchi del Monastero nominato Colza in
Buchoresti di Valacchia, provenienti essi prò dal Capital dei ducati 3285 alle tre per cento in
nome di detto Ospital di Santi tre Hieromonachi. Potendo detto Signor Lambro Maruzzi
comparire di volta in volta ove occorrerà per far ogni instanza ricercata, et tutto quello bisognerà per le riscossioni suddette. Inoltre a poter estraher et levar dal Banco Pubblico del Giro
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 329
ogni summa et quantità di denari, che nell’avvenire venissero scritti al nome del suddetto Signor
Sava, accettar per parte, e per resto, scriver, e girar ad altri, facendo e girando per ciò le necessarie partite giusto l’uso e stile del detto Banco Pubblico [...]. Presenti in scrittoria di me nodaro
il Signor Demetrio Cozzi quondam Signor Anzulo, ricognitore anco di detto Signor Sava, et
il Signor Iseppo Bolii, quondam Anzolo testimonii.
(ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13615, ff. 304r-304v,
18th century notarial copy)
VII
Venice, July 13, 1727. Actuary statement by which Sava Stoia appointed the former
confessor of the prince court of Constantin Brâncoveanu as his representative, in order
to negotiate with the Serenissima’s merchants and institutions with regard to everything dealing with the banking deposit at Zecca of Colþea monastery’s hospital.
Die 13 mensii Iunii 1727
Il Signor Sava Stoia quondam Stoia da Cernavoda facendo disse come procurator delli Procuratori
della Chiesa nominata li tre Santi Dottori, intitolata Jerarchi in Bucoressi, e Colza in Valacchia,
e dell’Ospedal dell’Orfani di detto Tempio, in vigor di Procura de dì e tenor come in quella
con auttorità inter alia di poter sostituire uno o più procuratori spontaneamente in detto
nome sostituisce et in luoco suo pone […] Zuanne Avramiotti quondam Signor Antonio.
(ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13616, ff. 90r-91r,
18th century notarial copy)
Notes
1. Olga Cicanci, Companiile greceºti din Transilvania ºi comerþul european în anii 16361746 [The Greek companies from Transylvania and the European trade in the years 16361746] (Bucharest, 1981), 145–151.
2. Traian Stoianovich, “The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant”, The Journal of
Economic History, XX/2 (1960): 238–253, passim; Benjamin Braude, “Venture and
Faith in the Commercial Life of the Ottoman Balkans, 1500-1650”, The International
History Review, VII/4 (1985): 519–542.
3. Olga Katsiardi–Hering, “Christian and Jewish Ottoman Subjects: Family, Inheritance
and Commercial Networks between East and West (17th–18th C.)”, La famiglia nell’economia europea. Secc. XIII–XVIII/The Economic Role of the Family in the European
Economy from the 13th to the 18th Centuries. Atti della «Quarantesima Settimana di Studi»,
6–10 aprile 2008, ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (Florence 2009), 417–418, passim.
330 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
4. Mihail Dan, Samuel Goldenberg, “Le commerce balkano–levantin de la Transylvanie
au cours de la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle et au début du XVIIe siècle”, Revue
des études Sud–Est européennes, V/1-2 (1967): 95–97; O. Cicanci, Companiile greceºti
[The Greek companies], 147–148; Francisc Pap, “Orientarea balcano–otomanã ºi
mediteraneanã în comerþul clujean (prima jumãtate a secolului XVII)” [“The
Balkan–Ottoman and Mediterranean orientation of the trade of Cluj (first half of the
17th century”], Acta Musei Napocensis, XIX (1982): 98–99.
5. Paul Cernovodeanu, “Comerþul Þãrilor Române în secolul al XVII-lea” [“The
trade of the Romanian Principalities in the 17th century”], Revista de istorie [The History
Review], 33/6 (1980): 1082.
6. Cristian Luca, Þãrile Române ºi Veneþia în secolul al XVII-lea. Din relaþiile politico-diplomatice, comerciale ºi culturale ale Þãrii Româneºti ºi ale Moldovei cu Serenissima [The
Romanian Principalities and Venice in the 17th century. From the political-diplomatic,
commercial and cultural relations of Wallachia and Moldavia with the Serenissima]
(Bucharest, 2007).
7. P. Cernovodeanu, “Comerþul Þãrilor Române” [“The trade of the Romanian
Principalities”]: 1082, 1088.
8. Lidia A. Demény, “Comerþul de tranzit spre Polonia prin Þara Româneascã ºi
Transilvania (ultimul sfert al secolului al XVII-lea)” [“The transit trade to Poland
through Wallachia and Transylvania (last quarter of the 17th century)”], Studii. Revistã
de istorie [Studies. The History Review], 22/3 (1969): 475–476, 480, 497.
9. Ibid., 480.
10. L. A. Demény, “Le commerce de la Transylvanie avec les régions du Sud du Danube
effectué par la douane de Turnu Roºu en 1685”, Revue Roumaine d’Histoire, VII/5 (1968):
761–777; L. A. Demény, “Regimul tricesimelor ºi punctele vamale din Transilvania
în perioada principatului autonom” [“The regime of tricesima and the custom centres
from Transylvania in the period of the autonomous principality”], Studii ºi materiale
de istorie medie [Studies and materials in medieval history], VII (1974): 208–221.
11. O. Cicanci, Companiile greceºti [The Greek companies], 150–151.
12. Renzo Paci, La “scala” di Spalato e il commercio veneziano nei Balcani fra Cinque e
Seicento (Venice, 1971), 105.
13. State Archive of Venice (henceforth ASV), Capi del Consiglio dei X. Lettere di
Rettori e di altre cariche. Spalato, 1500-1791; Traù, 1501-1750, b. [busta=archival
envelope] 281, fol. 199.
14. ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 18, unnumbered doc. (June 1692).
15. Ibid., b. 28, 2nd section, unnumbered doc. (28 April 1699).
16. ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (1a Serie), b. 555, unnumbered doc. (20 November
1719); Cr. Luca, “«Neguþãtoriu streinu» de þarã. Date noi privitoare la negustorii
alogeni din Þãrile Române în secolele XVII–XVIII” [“The «foreign» merchant. New
data regarding the allogeneous tradesmen from the Romanian Principalities in the
17th–18th centuries”], Negustorimea în Þãrile Române, între Societas Mercatorum ºi
individualitatea mercantilã, în secolele XVI–XVIII [The merchants from the Romanian
Principalities, between Societas Mercatorum and the mercantile individuality, in the
16th–18th centuries], ed. Cr. Luca (Galaþi, 2009), 143.
TRADITION
AND INVENTION
• 331
17. Konstantinos D. Mertzios, “∆ιαθήκη του Νικολάου Καραγιάννη του ποτέ Λεονάρδου”,
Ηπειρωτικά Χρονικά, 11 (1936): 140–151; Fotis Baroutsos, “Mercanti greci a Venezia:
periodi e tendenze”, 500 anni dalla fondazione della Comunità dei greci ortodossi di
Venezia, 1498-1998. ∆ηµοσία Ιλαρία/Pubblica celebrazione (Venice, 1999), 143, 150;
Lidia Cotovanu, “Le diocèse de Dryinoupolis et ses bienfaiteurs de Valachie et de
Moldavie. Solidarités de famille et traits identitaires multiples (XVIe–XVIIe siècles)”,
Contribuþii privitoare la istoria relaþiilor dintre Þãrile Române ºi Bisericile Rãsãritene
în secolele XIV–XIX [Contributions regarding the history of the relations between the
Romanian Principalities and the Eastern Churches in the 14th–19th centuries], ed. Petronel
Zahariuc (Iaºi, 2009), 260–261, note 195, 303, note 443, 318; L. Cotovanu, “Autour
des attaches épirotes du futur prince de Moldavie Constantin Duca (XVIIe siècle)”, Studia Varia in Honorem Professoris ªtefan ªtefãnescu Octogenarii, eds. Cr.
Luca, Ionel Cândea (Bucharest–Brãila, 2009), 473, 476, 483.
18. Epirote Greek family originally from Arta (Greek: Άρτα), but the family name was
Italianized from Κουτίνας to Cottoni; ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie),
b. 18, unnumbered doc. (30 March 1707); Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci
levantine nella Venezia del Seicento e del primo Settecento: la cera e i pellami
provenienti dai Principati Romen”, L’Italia e l’Europa Centro–Orientale attraverso i
secoli. Miscellanea di studi di storia politico–diplomatica, economica e dei rapporti culturali,
eds. Cr. Luca, Gianluca Masi, Andrea Piccardi (Brãila–Venice, 2004), doc. XI, 360–361.
19. ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 131, 4th section, unnumbered doc.
(8 May 1702); Cr. Luca, “«Neguþãtoriu streinu» de þarã” [“The «foreign» merchant”],
138–142.
20. ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Nicolò Velano, b. 13565, fols. 313r, 493r–493v; Cr. Luca,
Cristina Papacosta, “Monumenta Greca ac Veneta Historiæ Romaniæ (I)”, Quaderni
della Casa Romena di Venezia, 3 (2004): 86 and note 7.
21. Eudoxiu de Hurmuzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria românilor [Documents concerning the history of the Romanians], vol. IV/2 (Bucharest, 1884), doc. DCLXXVII,
576; Alexandru Doboºi, Relaþiile comerciale ale Principatelor Române cu Veneþia
[The commercial relations of the Romanian Principalities with Venice] (Cluj, 1936),
31; Alexandru Gonþa, Legãturile economice dintre Moldova ºi Transilvania în secolele
XIII–XVII [The economic relations between Moldavia and Transylvania in the 13th–17th
centuries], ed. Ioan Caproºu (Bucharest, 1989), 196.
22. Domenico Caccamo, Il carteggio di Giovanni Tiepolo ambasciatore veneto in Polonia
(1645-1647) (Rome, 1984), doc. 229, 461; ªtefan Andreescu, “Giovanni Tiepolo ºi
românii. Note pe marginea unor documente din Arhivele Veneþiei” [“Giovanni Tiepolo
and the Romanians. Notes relative to several documents from the Venetian archives”],
Românii în istoria universalã [The Romanians in World History], vol III/3, Izvoare
strãine pentru istoria românilor [Foreign sources for the Romanians’ history], coord.:
Ion Agrigoroaiei, Gheorghe Buzatu, Vasile Cristian, ed. ªtefan Sorin Gorovei
(Iaºi, 1988), 168, note 18; ªt. Andreescu, “An episode of the Rumanian–Venetian
relations by the middle of the 17th century”, Oriente e Occidente tra Medioevo ed
Età Moderna. Studi in onore di Geo Pistarino, vol. I, ed. Laura Balletto (Genoa, 1997),
16–18.
332 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
23. E. de Hurmuzaki, Documente [Documents], vol. XIV/2, Documente greceºti privitoare la istoria românilor publicate dupã originale, copiile Academiei Române ºi tipãrituri (1716-1777) [Greek documents concerning the history of the Romanians published
after the originals, the copies of the Romanian Academy and prints (1716-1777)], ed.
Nicolae Iorga (Bucharest, 1917), doc. DCXXVII, 575–576; Andrei Veress, Documente
privitoare la istoria Ardealului, Moldovei ºi Þãrii Româneºti [Documents regarding the
history of Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia], vol. X, Acte ºi scrisori (1637-1660)
[Acts and letters (1637-1660)] (Bucharest, 1938), doc. 133, 215; P. Zahariuc, Þara
Moldovei în vremea lui Gheorghe ªtefan voievod (1653-1658) [Moldavia during the reign
of Gheorghe ªtefan voivode] (Iaºi, 2003), 181, note 129; Cr. Luca, Þãrile Române ºi
Veneþia [The Romanian Principalities and Venice], 123, 172, 273; L. Cotovanu, “Autour
des attaches épirotes”, 481.
24. Cr. Luca, Þãrile Române ºi Veneþia [The Romanian Principalities and Venice], 256–257.
25. ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Nicolò Velano, b. 13696, fol. 5v; Sotiris Koutmanis,
“Η οικονοµία της ευλάβειας. Η κατανάλωση του κεριού στο ναό του Aγίου Γεωργίου
των Ελλήνων στη Βενετία (17ος–18ος αι.)”, Thesaurismata, 36 (2006): 373, note 15.
26. E. de Hurmuzaki, Fragmente din istoria românilor [Fragments from the Romanians’ history],
vol. III, Romanian translation and edited by Ioan Slavici (Bucharest, 1900), 218.
27. L. Cotovanu, “Autour des attaches épirotes”, 481–482.
28. Andrei Pippidi, “I Paesi Romeni e Venezia. Nuove testimonianze”, Annuario dell’Istituto
Romeno di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Venezia, I/1 (1999): 42.
29. ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Nicolò Velano, b. 13565, fol. 313r.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid., fols. 454r–454v (old numbering) or fols. 493r–493v (new numbering); Cr. Luca,
“Aspetti riguardanti i traffici mercantili e la circolazione del denaro tra Venezia,
Costantinopoli e i Principati Romeni nei secoli XVI–XVIII”, L’Europa Centro–Orientale
e la Penisola italiana: quattro secoli di rapporti e influssi intercorsi tra Stati e civiltà (13001700), eds. Cr. Luca, Gianluca Masi (Brãila–Venice, 2007), 252.
32. ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 162, 3rd section, fol. 30.
33. Ibid., fol. 31.
34. O. Cicanci, “Structura etnicã a companiilor comerciale din Transilvania” [“The
ethnical structure of the commercial companies from Transylvania”], Memoriile Secþiei
de ªtiinþe Istorice a Academiei RSR [Proceedings of the Historical Sciences Section of
the Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania], IV (1979): 40.
35. O. Cicanci, Companiile greceºti [The Greek companies], 157, also see N. Iorga, Istoria
comerþului românesc. Epoca veche [The history of the Romanian trade. The old age]
(Bucharest, 1925), 300–309.
36. (Greek: Απόστολος Μανός; Romanian: Apostol Manu); Constantin Esarcu,
“Documente istorice inedite descoperite în Archivele din Veneþia” [“Unpublished
historical documents discovered in the Venice archives”], Revista pentru istorie, archeologie ºi filologie [The Journal for history, archaeology and philology], I/2 (1883): doc.
20, 162; N. Iorga, “Câteva ºtiri despre comerþul nostru în veacurile al XVII-lea ºi
al XVIII-lea” [“Several information on our trade in the 17th–18th centuries”], Analele
Academiei Române. Memoriile Secþiunii Istorice [The Annals of the Romanian Academy.
TRADITION
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
AND INVENTION
• 333
Proceedings of the Historical Section], IInd Series, XXXVII (1914-1915): 305–307; Id.,
Istoria comerþului românesc. Drumuri, mãrfuri, negustori ºi oraºe [The history of the
Romanian trade. Routes, goods, merchants and towns], vol. I, pânã la 1700 [until 1700]
(Bucharest, 1915), 330–332; Al. Doboºi, Relaþiile comerciale [The commercial relations], 34–35; Id., “Depozitele lui Constantin Brâncoveanu la «Banca di Venezia»“
[“The deposits of Constantin Brâncoveanu at «Banca di Venezia»”], Observatorul
Social–Economic [The social-economic observatory], VIII/1 (1938): 70; Ariadna
Camariano–Cioran, L’Épire et les Pays roumains (Ioannina, 1984), 101–102, and note
14; Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra puterii. Negustori «prieteni ai domniei» ºi destinul lor
(Þara Româneascã, secolul al XVII-lea)” [“In the shadow of power. Merchants «friends
of the princes» and their destiny (Wallachia, the 17th century)”], Vocaþia istoriei. Prinos
Profesorului ªerban Papacostea [The calling of history. Hommage to Professor ªerban
Papacostea], eds. Ovidiu Cristea, Gh. Lazãr (Brãila, 2008), 629–633.
(Greek: Νίκος Παπάς ζαράφι; Romanian: Nica Papa Zaraful); N. Iorga, “Câteva ºtiri
despre comerþul nostru” [“Several information on our trade”]: 310–311; A.
Camariano–Cioran, L’Épire et les Pays roumains, 100–104; Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni
di merci levantine”, 339; Gh. Lazãr, “Continuitate ºi discontinuitate socialã: reþele
comerciale ºi afaceri de familie (secolele XVII–XVIII)” [“Social continuity and
discontinuity: commercial networks and family business (the 17th–18th centuries”`,
De la comunitate la societate. Studii de istoria familiei din Þara Româneascã sub
Vechiul Regim [From community to society. Studies in family history in Wallachia during the Ancient Regime (Bucharest, 2007), 162–163; Cr. Luca, Þãrile Române ºi Veneþia
[The Romanian Principalities and Venice], 274, 318; Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra puterii”
[“In the shadow of power”], 625–626; L. Cotovanu, “Autour des attaches épirotes”,
483, note 74.
(Greek: Παναγιώτης χάτζι Νίκος; Romanian: Panaiotis Hagi Nica), see ASV, Notarile.
Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fols. 179r, 180v, 181v–182r; Gh. Lazãr, “În
umbra puterii” [“In the shadow of power”], 626–628.
N. Iorga, Istoria comerþului românesc [The history of the Romanian commerce], 260;
Al. Doboºi, Relaþiile comerciale [The commercial relations], 34; Gh. Lazãr, “Pepano
– o familie de negustori greci în Þara Româneascã. Consideraþii istorice ºi genealogice” [“Pepano – a family of Greek merchants in Wallachia. Historical and genealogical remarks”], In Honorem Paul Cernovodeanu, ed. Violeta Barbu (Bucharest, 1998),
431–432, 434–435; Gh. Lazãr, “Documente privitoare la negustorii Pepano ºi la ctitoria lor de la Codreni «pe Mostiºte» (II)” [“Documents regarding the merchants
Pepano and their foundation from Codreni «pe Mostiºte»”], Studii ºi materiale de
istorie medie [Studies and materials in medieval history], XIX (2001), doc. 11, 268; Id.,
Les marchands en Valachie (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles), Foreword by ªerban Papacostea
(Bucharest, 2006), 110–112.
(Greek: Ιωάννης ζαράφι; Romanian: Ivan or Ioan Zaraful); Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra
puterii” [“In the shadow of power”], 624.
(Greek: Πάνος ∆αµιανός; Romanian: Panã Damian); see ASV, Bailo a Costantinopoli.
Cancelleria, b. 375, unnumbered doc. (8/17 August 1705); Cr. Luca, L’importazioni
di merci levantine cit., doc. IX, 359–360.
334 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
42. N. Iorga, “Câteva ºtiri despre comerþul nostru” [“Several information on our trade”],
doc. 1, 311, doc. 2-3, 311; Idem, Istoria comerþului românesc [The history of the Romanian
commerce], vol. I, 285; Valeriu Papahagi, “ªtiri relative la relaþiile aromânilor moscopoleni
cu armatorii ºi negustorii din Ragusa în secolele al XVII-lea ºi al XVIII-lea” [“Information
relative to the relations of the Moscopolean Aromanians with the ship-owners and
merchants from Ragusa in the 17th–18th centuries”] , Revista Istoricã [Historical Journal],
XX/4-6 (1934): 119–120; Gheorghe Bartoº, “Le commerce de la cire entre les
Principautes Roumaines et Venise pendant les XVe–XVIIIe siècles”, Cahiers Internationaux
d’Histoire Economique et Sociale/Quaderni Internazionali di Storia Economica e
Sociale/International Journal of Economic and Social History, 2 (1973): 273; Angeliki
Tzavara Martinato, “Imprenditore e tipografo: tre lettere inedite degli agenti Rosa
da Costantinopoli a Nicolò Glykis (1677-1683)”, Thesaurismata, 31 (2001): 361–377.
43. (Greek: Γιώργος Κουµάνος; Italian: Giorgio or Zorzi Cumano); ASV, Cinque Savi
alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 28, 3rd section, doc. 6; Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci
levantine”, doc. V, 356.
44. (Greek: Γιώργος Παπάς; Romanian: Gheorghe Papa); V. Papahagi, “Contribuþii la istoria relaþiilor comerciale ale Munteniei cu Peninsula Balcanicã ºi cu Veneþia în secolele
al XVII-lea ºi al XVIII-lea” [“Contributions to the history of the commercial relations between Wallachia, the Balkan Peninsula and Venice in the 17th–18th centuries`],
Revista Istoricã [Historical Journal], XIX/4-6 (1933): 121; Id., Aromânii moscopoleni ºi
comerþul veneþian în secolele al XVII-lea ºi al XVIII-lea [The Moscopolean Aromanians and
the Venetian trade in the 17th–18th centuries] (Bucharest, 1935), doc. XI, 152.
45. (Greek: Πάνος Στρατής; Romanian: Panã Strati); ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia
(2a Serie), b. 28, 2nd section, unnumbered doc. (3 June 1699); ASV, Consoli dei
mercanti, b. 8, unnumbered doc. (6 April 1702); N. Iorga, “Câteva ºtiri despre comerþul nostru” [“Several information on our trade”]: doc. 4-6, 311–312; Id., Istoria
comerþului românesc [The history of the Romanian commerce], vol. I, 333.
46. V. Papahagi, Aromânii moscopoleni [The Moscopolean Aromanians], doc. XX, 160–161,
doc. XXII, 162–163; Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci levantine”, 338, note 90.
47. V. Papahagi, “Contribuþii la istoria relaþiilor comerciale” [“Contributions to the
history of the commercial relations”], 121; Id., Aromânii moscopoleni [The Moscopolean
Aromanians], doc. XXI, 161–162.
48. ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 28, 2nd section, unnumbered doc.
(15 May and 3 June 1699).
49. V. Papahagi, Aromânii moscopoleni [The Moscopolean Aromanians], doc. X, 150–152.
50. Ibid., doc. XXIII, 164–165.
51. Ibid., doc. V, 146, doc. VI, 146–147.
52. For an agreement concluded between George Cumanos, the Venetian consul at
Durazzo, and 13 merchants from Moscopole, to accelerate the expedition of the
goods to the Levantine market, see ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b.
28, 3rd section, doc. 6; Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci levantine”, doc. V, 356.
53. (Greek: Γεώργιος Σταµατέλλος; Italian: Giorgio or Zorzi Stamatello); ASV, Cinque Savi
alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 18, unnumbered doc. (30 March 1707); Ibid., b. 28, 2nd
section, unnumbered doc. (15 May and 3 June 1699); ASV, Consoli dei mercanti, b.
TRADITION
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
AND INVENTION
• 335
8, unnumbered doc. (2 October 1699; 29 March 1700; 30 May 1701), c. 192v (15
August 1709); Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci levantine”, doc. XI, 360–361.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Francesco Velano, b. 13605, fols. 32v–33r.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fols. 179r, 180v.
Ibid., b. 13615, fols. 304r–304v, 307r–307v; Ibid., b. 13616, fols. 90r–91r.
N. Iorga, Studii ºi documente cu privire la istoria românilor [Studies and documents concerning the history of the Romanians], vol. X (Bucharest, 1905), 14.
ASV, Bailo a Costantinopoli. Lettere, b. 126, doc. 167-168, doc. 170.
ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 163, 6th section, fols. 28r–28v, 29r–29v.
Ibid., fols. 28r–28v.
Ibid., 7th section, unnumbered doc. (24 June 1702).
Florina Ciure, “The Contribution of the Commercial Companies in Transylvania
to the Development of the Romanian Foreign Trade in the 17th Century”, Istros, XVI
(2010), note 47.
Ibid., note 48.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del Notaio Francesco Velano, b. 13600, fols. 181r–181v; see Fl. Ciure,
“The Contribution of the Commercial Companies”, note 49.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del Notaio Francesco Velano, b. 13600, fols. 181v–182v; see Fl. Ciure,
“The Contribution of the Commercial Companies”, note 50.
Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra puterii” [“In the shadow of power”], 624.
ASV, Bailo a Costantinopoli. Cancelleria, b. 325 I, unnumbered doc. (23 April 1703).
ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (1a Serie), b. 661, unnumbered doc. (11 July 1702).
Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra puterii” [“In the shadow of power”], 627.
N. Iorga, “Câteva ºtiri despre comerþul nostru” [“Several information on our trade”]:
306–307; for the activity of the physician Stavros Moulaimis, see Dimitrios
Karaberopoulos, “Σταύρου Μουλαϊµου, Αντιδοτάριον, Βενετία 1724: Το πρώτο στα
Ελληνικά Ιατρικό βιβλίο”, Ηπειρωτικά Χρονικά, 37 (2003): 483–490.
N. Iorga, Studii ºi documente [Studies and documents], vol. IV (Bucharest, 1902),
85, note 1.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fol. 180v; C. Esarcu, “Documente
istorice inedite” [“Unpublished historical documents”]: doc. 8, 152–153.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fol. 179r; C. Esarcu, “Documente
istorice inedite” [“Unpublished historical documents”]: doc. 7, 152; N. Iorga, “Câteva
ºtiri despre comerþul nostru” [“Several information on our trade”]: 307.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fols. 181v–182r; C. Esarcu,
“Documente istorice inedite” [“Unpublished historical documents”]: doc. 9, 153.
Ibid.: doc. 6, 151–152.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13611, fol. 187r.
Ibid., fols. 187v–188r.
N. Iorga, Studii ºi documente [Studies and documents], doc. LXXIII, 76; Al. Doboºi,
Relaþiile comerciale [The commercial relations], 35–36; Gh. Lazãr, “În umbra puterii” [“In the shadow of power”], 626.
N. Iorga, Documente privitoare la familia Cantacuzino, scoase în cea mai mare parte
din archiva d-lui G. Gr. Cantacuzino ºi publicate de ~ [Documents regarding the
336 • TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW • VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:4 (2010)
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
Cantacuzino family, mostly extracted from the archive of G. Gr. Cantacuzino and published by ~] (Bucharest, 1902), doc. LXXXIII,192–193.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13615, fols. 307r–307v.
Ibid., fols. 304r–304v; see also O. Katsiardi–Hering, “Christian and Jewish Ottoman
Subjects”, 409, 429.
ASV, Notarile. Atti del notaio Emilio Velano, b. 13616, fols. 90r–91r.
O. Katsiardi–Hering, “Das Habsburgerreich: Anlaufpunkt für Griechen und andere
Balkanvolker im 17.–19. Jahrhundert”, Österreichische Osthefte, 38/2 (1996): 171–188.
ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (2a Serie), b. 18, unnumbered doc. (20 September
1721); Cr. Luca, “L’importazioni di merci levantine”, 340.
Bruce McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe. Taxation, Trade and the Struggle
for Land, 1600-1800 (Cambridge, 20102), 24.
ASV, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia (1a Serie), b. 663, unnumbered doc. (31 August
1745).
Ibid., unnumbered doc. (26 October 1745).
Ibid., unnumbered doc. (7 September 1746).
E. de Hurmuzaki, ], vol. IX/1 (Bucharest, 1897), doc. DCCXCIX-DCCCIV, 685689.
Ibid., doc. DCCCIII, 688.
Abstract
Greek and Aromanian merchants, protagonists of the trade relations
between Transylvania, Wallachia, Moldavia and the Northern Italian Peninsula
(second half of the 17th–first half of the 18th century)
Relying some unpublished sources, the paper emphasizes the activity and personality of several
merchants of Greek, Aromanian and Slavonic origin that settled in the Romanian Principalities and
were among the protagonists of the foreign trade in this area. They controlled a great part of the
substantial transports of raw materials that reached the Venetian market. From here, as products,
the goods reached the whole Northern area of the Italian Peninsula. Where it is possible, the
paper specifies the origin place of these merchants and the business connections that they developed in the Ottoman territory, which they passed through on their way to Venice, and also the categories of goods that they negotiated for. Thus, it is once again confirmed the very important
part taken by the Greek and generally speaking the Balkan merchants in the economy of the SouthEastern Europe in the 17th–18th centuries, when they were able to control the greatest part of the
exports of goods from the Romanian Principalities to Western Europe. They represented the
most dynamic mercantile element, having the highest rate of naturalization in the territories where
they had been initially settled because of pragmatically and especially economic reasons.
Keywords
Greeks, Aromanians, Foreign Trade, Transylvania, Wallachia, Moldavia, Italian Peninsula, 17th–18th
Centuries