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DOI 10.2478/v10154-010-0016-4
Two Prayers for the Sick from the Euchology of Sinai
Tomáš Mrňávek
Catholic Theological Faculty of Charles University
The Slavonic Euchology of Sinai,1 referred to as Sinai sl. 37,2 is a
unique source for liturgists,3 philologists,4 historians5 and other specialists
in the field of Byzantine studies, especially the liturgy. It is one of the
most important and oldest Slavonic liturgical documents, but its importance lies especially within the Byzantine liturgy. It was written in Glagolitic in the 10th or 11th century and some suppose its authors were Ss. Cyril
1
Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum.
M. ARRANZ, La tradition liturgique de Constantinople au IXe siècle et l’Eucologe Slave du
Sinaï, Studi sull’Oriente Cristiano 4 (2000) p. 41, and in S. PARENTI, L’Eucologio slavo del
Sinai nella storia dell’Eucologio bizantino, Filologia slava 2, Roma 1997, p. 24.
3
Their works are further cited in the paper where specific matters are discussed. Regrettably, there is no Czech liturgist to deal with these issues in depth. Some general information
can be found in L. POKORNÝ, Liturgie pěje slovansky. In: Odkaz soluňských bratří. Sborník k
1100. výročí úmrtí sv. Metoděje, Praha 1987, pp. 160–193, where the euchology is discussed
on two pages (184–185); or in J. VAJS, Postřižiny sv. Václava, Časopis Katolického Duchovenstva 70 (95), 1929, pp. 48–63; J. FRČEK, Byl sv. Václav postřižen podle ritu východního
či západního? In: Slovanské studie. Sbírka statí, věnovaných prelátu univ. Prof. Dr Josefu
Vajsovi k uctění jeho životního díla. Uspořádali J. Kurz, M. Murko, J. Vašica, Praha: Vyšehrad, 1948, pp. 144–158.
4
E.g. Czech scholar A. DOSTÁL, The Origins of the Slavonic Literature, Dumbarton Oaks
Papers 19 (1966) pp. 67–88, especially 80–81; ID., L’Eucologe Slave du Sinai, Byzantion 36
(1966/1) pp. 41–50; ID., Počátky staroslovanského písemnictví a Byzance, Slavia 38
(1969/4) pp. 597–606; ID., The Byzantine Tradition in the Slavonic Literatur, CyrilloMethodianum 2 (1972–1973) pp. 1–6.
5
F. DVORNÍK, Byzantské misie u Slovanů, Praha: Vyšehrad, 1970, pp. 121–171; M. LACKO, Il
metodo missionario dei SS. Cirillo e Metodio. La liturgia slava. In: Cirillo e Metodio: I santi
apostoli degli Slavi: conferenze tenute nel Pontificio Istituto Orientale nei giorni 9-11
maggio 1963 per commemorare l'undecimo Centenario della Missione dei SS. Fratelli nella
Grande Moravia, Roma 1964, pp. 51–70; A. GUILLOU, La culture slave dans le katépanat
d'Italie, Slavjanskie Kuľtury i Balkany 1 (Sofie 1978) pp. 267–274, especially 272–273, note
34; MRŇÁVEK T., Sinajské slovanské euchologium. Vznik, autorství a struktura, in Význam
cyrilometodějství pro integraci slovanských národů do evropských struktur. Apoštolský
exarchát Řeckokatolické církve v České republice. Za finanční podpory Ministerstva kultury
České republiky, KLOBUŠICKÝ, J., (ed.), Praha 2009, pp. 15–38.
2
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and Methodius or their disciples.6 However, there are some studies that
refute or at least cast doubt on this proposition, because the euchology
was found in the half of the 19th century at the Mount Sinai, in the monastery of St. Catherine.7
The Czech paleoslavicist and scholar in Russian studies Jan Frček
(1896–1942) succeeded in finding certain Greek patterns – some of them
from the 8th century – for many of the texts in the euchology. He published the Greek texts together with the Old Slavonic ones and he took
the trouble to translate them into French, thus making them available for
wider range of readers.8
This euchologion9 is especially interesting for including only the rites
and prayers concerning rural life in a village; there are no prayers for celebration of sacraments,10 if a nomocanon for monks’ confession is not taken
into account. The prayers were described very suitably as rustic11 by Frček.
A large portion of the texts are prayers for the sick; there are fifty of
them and only seven have a provable Greek original or pattern; as for the
6
Cf. ARRANZ, La liturgie de l’Euchologe slave du Sinaï, in: Christianity Among the Slavs.
The Heritage of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Acts of the International Congress held on the
Eleventh Centenary of the Death of St. Methodius, Rome, October 8-11, 1985, OCA 231,
Roma 1988, pp. 17–18; date and origin of the euchology, cf. PARENTI, L’Eucologio slavo del
Sinai, op. cit., pp. 24–32; ARRANZ, La tradition liturgique, op. cit., pp. 44, 85–88.
7
Cf. e.g.: PARENTI, L’Eucologio slavo del Sinai, op. cit., p. 26 and 28; I. ŠEVČENKO, Report on
the Glagolitic Fragments (of the Euchologium Sinaiticum) Discovered on Sinai in 1975 and
Some Thoughts on the Models for the Make-up of the Earliest Glagolitic Manuscripts, Harvard Ukrainian Studies 6 (1982) pp. 119–147.
8
Euchologium Sinaiticum. Texte slave avec sources grecques et traduction française, vol.
PO XXIV, 5 and PO XXV, 3 (Paris 1933 and 1939). In one of his books, Arranz used Frček’s
translation with no change: Christologie et ecclésiologie des prières pour les malades de
l’Euchologe slave du Sinaï, L’Église dans la Liturgie. Conférences Saint-Serge XXVIe semaine
d’études liturgiques, Paris, 26-29 Juin 1979, Roma 1980, pp. 19–66.
9
Euchologion is a liturgical book, usually containing texts for celebration of the Eucharist,
sacraments, Liturgy of the Hours (breviary) as well as many prayers and blessings connected with the life of the faithful – these represent the largest part of the euchology, cf. P.
DE MEESTER, Liturgia Bizantina, Studio di rito bizantino, Alla luce della Teologia, del Diritto
Ecclesiastico, della Storia, dell’Arte e dell’Archeologia, Libro II., Parte VI., Rituale –
Benedizionale Bizantino, Roma 1930, pp. 1–2.
10
We cannot deal with the Sinai fragments (cf. M. PANTELIČ, O Kijevskim i Sinajskim listicima. Slovo 35 (1985) pp. 3–56; PARENTI, Influssi italo-greci nei testi eucaristici bizantini dei
«Fogli Slavi» del Sinai (XI. sec.). OCP 57 (1991) pp. 145–177, especially 151, note 12, list of
prayers p. 151) and new folios of the euchology (cf. M. SCHNITTER – H. MIKLAS, Kyrillomethodianische Miszellen. In : Anzeiger für slavische Philologie XXII/1 (1993) (Festgabe
für Rudolf Aitzetmüller zum 70. Geburtstag, Teil 1), Graz 1993, pp. 141–220, edition of
manuscript 163–218 ; ŠEVČENKO, Report on the Glagolitic Fragments (of the Euchologium
Sinaiticum), op. cit.).
11
By ‘rustic’ we mean prayers and blessings that originated in a rural background; e.g.:
prayer for the beginning of sowing, blessing of a house, for the beginning of the harvest,
for planting of a new vineyard, blessing of wine grapes on a vintage, for a flock, for offering of an animal etc.; cf. a list in PO XXIV, p. 617.
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rest, we do not know of any such sources. These other forty-three prayers
may thus have been written in the Old Slavonic.12 It is worth mentioning
that there is no other Byzantine euchology to have so wide a collection of
prayers for the sick.13 According to their character, the prayers can be divided into four groups: prayers in a physical or mental illness, in erotic
temptations, and prayers in sickness of no specific kind.
This entry aims to present two prayers from the group of prayers in illness of no specific kind. The Greek text is given first (A), parallel to it there
is Glagolitic text written in the Cyrillic alphabet (B). The English translation
then follows with biblical, liturgical and theological commentary.
Commentary:
Specific structure and use of prayers (relative difference of settings, time
and place) required a suitable working process. The prayers have two parts:
a) In the anamnetic (celebrative) part, God is celebrated, praised and
blessed and confessed. This part proposes logical and theological premises
that allow passing to the second part; it is written in the indicative.
b) In the epicletic-deprecative part (supplicative), God is asked for
what is necessary at the moment; central theme of these prayers is healing; this part is in imperative.14
In both prayers, the transition from the anamnetic to the epicletic part
begins with imperative. The Greek text of the first prayer has, before the
imperative, particle also (kai;, line 9). Transitional imperatives are heal
(i[asai, î’c™li, line 9) in the first prayer and visit (ejpivskeyai, pos™ti, line 2)
12
The Greek and Old Slavonic texts of the prayers for the sick with a French translation
included: PO XXIV, pp. 708–758, Paris 1933; the Old Slavonic text: photocopy of the
manuscript in R. NAHTIGAL, Euchologium Sinaiticum. Starocerkvenoslovanski glagolski
spomenik, Dela I–II, Ljubljana 1941–1942; vol. I fotografski posnetek (foils studied: 24a–51a)
and vol. II. tekst s komentarjem (text of the manuscript in a Cyrillic transcription with a
commentary pp. 55–124). All these prayers were presented in my dissertation Le Preghiere
terapeutiche dell’Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum (Prayers for the Sick from the Slavonic
Euchology of Sinai), Roma 2004. I have also published a critical edition of twenty-one of
them in Le Preghiere terapeutiche dell’Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum. Excerpta ex Dissertationis ad Doctoratum, Roma 2004. First there is the Greek text (in case it has been
found) and then the Old Slavonic version or the Old Slavonic text only; translation into
Italian and a brief commentary follow.
13
PARENTI, L’eucologio manoscritto Γ.β. IV (X sec.) della Biblioteca di Grottaferrata
(=PAR.GbIV), Roma 1994 contains twenty prayers (pp. 58–61); however, in most cases they
do not correspond to the Glagolitic prayers, cf. ARRANZ, Исцеление Души и Тела.
Таинство Елеосвящения и другие терапевтичекие и разрешительные
молитвы и чины Визаитийской Традиции. Исторический опыт. Opere
Religiose Russe, Рим 2001, pp. 180–189.
14
Cf. C. GIRAUDO, La struttura letteraria della preghiera eucaristica. Saggio sulla genesi
letteraria di una forma. Toda veterotestamentaria, beraka giudaica, anafora cristiana,
Roma 1981, pp. 164–165.
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in the sixth prayer.
Critical signs used at the text:
[] = translation of the Old-Slavonic text that has no relevant Greek
counterpart or is different.
() = translation of the Greek text that has no relevant Old-Slavonic
counterpart or is different.
|| = English translation with no relevant equivalent in the original text.
Sometimes it was necessary to provide all the existing variants. A
above the text stands for the Greek, B for the Old-Slavonic text.
The usual orthographic errors, like iotacism, dittography, aspiration
and accent form have been corrected without notice. Textual variants are
given in the critical apparatus if the text of the codex Barberinianus
graecus 336 was different from that of Parenti-Velkovska.15
The first prayer we are going to study is the Holy Father (Wç*e stªy,
Pavter a{gie). In the Glagolitic Euchology it opens the series of prayers for
the sick.
A
Eujch;16 ejpi; ajrrwvstou4
Pavter a{gie ijatre; yucw'n kai; swmavtwn:
oJ pevmya" to;n monogenhvn
sou uiJo;n to;n kuvrion kai; qeo;n18 hJmw'n !Ihsou'n C
risto;n
pa'san novson ijwvmenon
kai; ejk qanavtou lutrouvmenon:
i[asai kai; to;n dou'lovn sou tovnde
10 ejk th'" periecouvsh" aujto;n swmatikh'"
ajsqeneiva": dia; th'" cavrito" tou' Cristou' sou:
kai; zwopoivhson aujto;n kata; to; soi; eujarv eston:
th;n ojfeilomevnhn soi eujcaristivan
ejn ajgaqoergiva/ ajpoplhrou'nta4
o{ti so;n to; kravto"
15
kai; sou' ejstin hJ basil(eiva)24.
5
5
B
¬ O N3‘A BOLEm‘
VœPADœ¸EM` V`
4nedøgß p©pß molitß så:/:17
Wç*e stªy vraçü d©‚amß i t™lom´:
posßlavßí e’dinoçådago
s©na tvoeÂgo¡g©a i b©a na‚ego iÂs©xa¡
oÊtß19 v8sego20 nedõga îÊc™l™œ⌂wa¡
îÊ oÊtß sßmrßti i‘zbavl™œ⌂wa¡
î’c™li21 raba tvoe’go sego ¡ î’mR^å22¡
10 o’tß o’drßΩåwaa‘go23 t™lesßnaa‘go
nedõga ¡ blagod™tiœ⌂ x©a tvoe’go¡
î’ Ωivi i’ po tvoe’mu u’goΩden´ü⌂¡
DlßΩßnõœ⌂ teb™ xvalõ¡
blagod™a‘nie‘m´ vßzdaœ⌂wa
25
26
15 vÍ^ : Hko tvoé e’stß drßΩa:/:
15
PARENTI S. – E. VELKOVSKA, L’Eucologio Barberini gr. 336 (=PAR.BAR), Roma 2000.
Translation from the Old-Slavonic text with regard to the Greek original: MRŇÁVEK, Le
Preghiere terapeutiche dell’Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum. Excerpta ex Dissertationis ad
Doctoratum, Roma 2004, p. 18; FRČEK, PO XXIV, p. 709; PAR.BAR f. 195r–v.
17
4 the sign can be found before the name of the prayer, for example: 4¬ O..., and before
rubrics, see the second prayer in this paper.
18
kai; qeo;n is missing in PAR.BAR.
19
oÊtß is missing in A.
20
v8sego: 8 : the curl stands for: ´ : NAH: Del II., Okrajsave v Sinajskem euhologiu, p. XXXVIII.
21
kaiv is missing in B.
22
îÊm^Rå: r$ : rekß: Ibid.,: p. XXXIX, the name of the sick person has to be inserted (tovnde): N.
23
aujto;n is missing in B.
24
kai; sou' ejstin hJ basileiva is missing in B.
16
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Prayer for a sick person [who fell into a disease].
[Priest is praying.] Holy Father, healer of souls and bodies, you sent
your only-begotten Son, our Lord and God Jesus Christ, to heal [from]
every sickness and deliver from death.
Heal (also) this servant of yours N by the grace of your Christ (of the
weakness) [of the disease] that torments (him) and retrieve him according
to your favour, so that he may perform good deeds and through them give
you thanks that you deserve.
[Acclamation:] For the power [is] yours (and the kingdom is yours).
Commentary
The anamnetic part of the prayer shows evidently that it addresses
the Father and that the invocation Holy Father was possibly inspired by
the Gospel according to John (Jn 17:11). The text then emphasizes the
relevant Father’s attribute, related to healing: healer of souls and bodies.
The Father is referred to as the one who sent Jesus to heal. Inspiration
of the phrase can also be found in John’s Gospel (Jn 3:16). The principle
of invoking the Father and addressing prayers and thanks to him is proper
to various traditions, not only Christian. Jesus himself, asked by his disciples to teach them how to pray, says: “After this manner therefore pray ye:
Our Father…” Old Christian Eucharistic prayers, which constitute the substance and centre of Christian liturgy, address the Father as well.27
This part of the prayer could be called ‘celebrative Christological anamnesis,’ because it underlines Christ’s salvific mission28 without pronouncing
other constituents common for the anamnetic part (thanksgiving for the creation etc.). This healing mission of Jesus constitutes the centre of the prayer.
In the deprecative epicletic part of the prayer, healing is asked for an
25
vÍ^ is missing in A.
Sign :/¡ stands for the end of the prayer or rubric.
27
Cf. e.g. the text of the prayers from the Apostolic Constitutions (4th century): Chapter 7,
prayer 25: “We give you thanks, our Father, for the life that you revealed to us through Jesus…
whom you had sent to become a man for our salvation…” where the Father is referred to in
the anamnetic part, or 7, 27: “We give you thanks, God and Father of our Saviour Jesus… God
powerful, faithful, and truthful… You sent Jesus to the earth…” The Father is also present in
the anamnetic part and, through the Son, in the epicletic part as well. (F. KUNETKA, Eucharistie v křesťanské antice, Olomouc, 2004, p. 149); interesting testimony can be found in the
anaphora of Addai and Mari (ca 2nd century), where the Father is mentioned explicitly only
in the epicletic part of the anaphora: Grant us your peace… for you are the only true God and
Father… (KUNETKA, p. 152 and relevant bibliographical references).
28
See for example the anaphora of Addai and Mari (KUNETKA, p. 152); sending of Christ to
the world is mentioned here only in the epicletic part of the anaphora: …God and Father,
you sent our Lord Jesus Christ…; or the anaphora of the Apostolic tradition from the 3rd century (Ibid., p. 172), where Jesus is mentioned at the beginning of the preface in the anamnetic part: through your beloved servant Jesus, whom you have sent us lately as Saviour…;
similarly the text of the Apostolic Constitutions, see above, note 27., or the anaphora of St
John Chrysostom, where Jesus, the only-begotten Son, is mentioned in the post-sanctus (cf.
PAR.BAR f. 30v).
26
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unspecified servant (sego ¡ î’mR^å, tovnde) through Jesus. Epiclesis is substituted
by Jesus’ healing grace and by imperatives.29 Imperatives have some logical
link and dynamics. First of them: heal (î’c™li, i[asai) follows the healing
activity of Christ and the Father’s attribute as the healer, mentioned in the
anamnesis. The sick is thus disposed to be delivered from the sickness. The
imperative retrieve (Ωivi, zwopoivhson) provides vital energy for praising and
glorifying of God, realized through performing good deeds.30
The aim of the liturgy, salvation of man and praising of God, is suitably
described here. Similar scheme can be found in the anaphora of St. John
Chrysostom, where after the institution narrative the Father is invoked to
send the Holy Spirit: make (poivhson) bread the body of Christ and transform (metabalwvn) it through the Holy Spirit. And the same is done with
wine. The expected result is: to make the elements the chastity of the soul,
forgiveness of sins etc.31 for the communicants and, in a way, also healing.
The prayer can be found in the oldest canonical Greek manuscript
preserved Barberinianus graecus 33632 from the 8th century, which testifies to its antiquity; its various versions are still very popular in all
Churches of the Byzantine tradition.33
This deprecative prayer is considered substantial in conferring the sacrament of holy oils (i.e. anointing of the sick) and constitutes its sacramental form.34 It is used as a prayer over the sick and it is recited by seven
priests in turn35 at the celebration of the sacrament of holy oils.36 Sometimes the prayer is also used as a blessing of oils.
29
Cf. R. TAFT, The Epiclesis Question in the Light of the Orthodox and Catholic Lex Orandi
Traditions. In: New Perspectives on Historical Theology. Essays in Memory of John Meyendorff. Ed. B. NASSIF, Michigan-Cambridge 1996, pp. 210–237, especially 212.
30
We can refer to the logics of Christ’s miracles when he heals the man to let him praise
God and not to return to what is old and bad: go and sin no more.
31
Cf. PAR.BAR f. 32r.
32
PAR.BAR f. 195r–v.
33
See for example Trebnik published “ad experimentum” by the Apostolic Exarchate of the
Greek-Catholic Church in the Czech Republic, Praha, 2004, p. 44.
34
Cf. H. DENZINGER, Ritus Orientalium, vol. I, Würzburg 1863, p. 187; cf. R. P. E. MERCENIER,
La prière des Églises de rite byzantin, Tome I, L’Office divin, la liturgie, les sacraments, Paris
1947, p. 418.
35
This number is considered sacred and it is found with the Copts and Armenians as well;
the order of the anointing of the sick was created upon it. In case there were no seven
priests, two or three would have sufficed, but the sacrament was never to be celebrated by
a single priest, cf. DE MEESTER, Studi sui sacramenti amministrati secondo il rito bizantino
(Storia – Disciplina – Riti abbreviati – Questioni connesse), Roma 1947, p. 193 and 195.
36
Cf. DE MEESTER, Liturgia Bizantina, p. 294, p. 306 and the rite where a prayer for the
anointing of the sick can be found, pp. 310–311; for some features that can be traced in
various rites of the Byzantine tradition (Greeks, Slavs, Romanians, Melchites) cf. DE MEESTER,
Studi sui sacramenti, pp. 209–222; see the rite of the anointing of the sick after the mass, cf.
ARRANZ, Le preghiere degli infermi nella tradizione bizantina, OCP 62 (1996) p. 331, 337, 340;
similarly also in the Coptic rite, cf. DENZINGER, Ritus Orientalium, vol. II, Würzburg 1864, p.
497 and 505, in the Jacobite rite (ibid., p. 517), in the Armenian (ibid., p. 520).
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The second text is the prayer that comes as sixth in the order of the
Glagolitic Euchology:
A
Eujch;37 eij" ajsqenou'nta" ajskhtav"38
Kuvrie40 tw'n dunavmewn: ejpivskeyai
tou;" ajdelfou;" hJmw'n
ejn ejlevei kai; oijktirmoi'" sou42
kai; th;n para; sou' uJgei'an kai;
5 oJloklhrivan dwvrhsai aujtoi'"
rJusavmeno" ajpo; pavsh" novsou
kai; malakiva" yucikh'" te45 kai; swmatikh'":
ajnistw'n aujtou;"46 ejpi;47 klivnh" ojduvnh":
kai; ajnistw'n48 ejpi; to;n a{giovn sou nao;n
10
th'" proseuch'":
sunavptwn pavlin aujtou;"50 th'/ iJevra/
sou kai; logikh'/ poimnh/'4
!En Cristw'/ !Ihsou' tw'/ kurivw/ hJmw'n meq! ou|
15 soi; hJ dovxa timh; kai; proskuvnhsi"51.
B
4¬ O eª 39 N3‘A NED±Ô`NYM`:/:
G⁄* b©Ωe41 silß : pos™ti
brati•¯ na‚e•¯:
milostiœ¯ í wedrotami:
pomiluí43: î’ daΩdi î’mß î’c™lenie’:
5
o’tß tebe : î sßdravie’ :
î’zbavi •¯44
¯ o’tß v8se•¯ bol™zni :
î’ nedõga d©‚evßna i’ t™lesßna:
Vßzvodå o’tß o’dra skvrßnßna:
49
nastavl™•¯ vß s©ty molitv´ny
10
tvoì xramß:
Priça•¯ s©t™m´
î’ mysl´n™m´ tvoe’m´ stad™:
o’ x}™ ís}™ g©⁄ na‚im´ : sß nim´Ωe
15 teb™ slava : î’ xvala 52 :
sß o’c©em´ i’ s©tym´ d©xom´
tvoi@m´ : nyn™ ì prisno i’ :/:
Prayer for sick ascetics [Sixth prayer over a sick].
Lord [God] of hosts,
visit our brothers in (your) mercy and (in your) compassion [and have
mercy on them] and grant them health and integrity |that come from
you|, and deliver them from every (sickness) [suffering] and (weakness)
[disease] of soul and body, rise (them) from the bed of (sorrow) [impurity]
and (lift) |them| [and introduce] |them| into your holy temple of prayer,
add (them again) in your (sacred) [holy] and spiritual flock.
In Jesus Christ, our Lord, with whom you |are worthy| of glory,
37
MRŇÁVEK, Le Preghiere terapeutiche, p. 32; FRČEK, PO XXIV, pp. 713–715; PAR.BAR f.
251v, 252r.
38
ajskhtav" is missing in B.
39
e* is missing in A; its numerical value is: 6 (in Cyrillic: q+ ).
40
Kuvrie oJ Qeov" : PAR.GbIV f. 110r.
41
b©Ωe is missing in A.
42
sou is missing in B.
43
pomiluí is missing in A.
44
•¯¯ is missing in A.
45
te is missing in B.
46
aujtou;" is missing in B.
47
ajpov : PAR.BAR.
48
oJdhgw'n : PAR.BAR.
49
kaiv is missing in B.
50
pavlin aujtou;" is missing in B.
51
timh; kai; proskuvnhsi" is missing in B.
52
î’ xvala is missing in A.
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praise, (and worship) [with the Father and your Holy Spirit, now and forever and (…)].
Commentary
Contrary to the previous text, where the sick is not specified, this
prayer is intended for several sick monks.
The anamnetic part: the beginning of the prayer and anamnesis are
concentrated in simple invocation Lord of hosts that comes from Psalm 83
(cf. LXX Ps 83:9). The psalm expresses trust in God’s favour based on joyful dwelling in Lord’s house. This is another element that gradually arises
in the prayer: request for introduction to God’s house of prayer.
The deprecative part begins with the imperative visit
(pos™ti, ejpivskeyai). God’s visitation of the sick brothers is considered
prerequisite of their recovery. In the Canticle of Zacharias from the Luke’s
Gospel, the importance of God’s visitation as a guaranty and mean of redemption is stressed.53
The verb “visit” (ejpiskopevw) was well known already to the pagan ancient world and the Christians took it over gradually. The meaning “to visit”
or “a visit” (ejpivskeyi") was closely connected to an ancient custom of the
so-called incubation, practiced at various places or sanctuaries.54 The sick
or pilgrims expected a miraculous visit when sleeping;55 most often by a
god56 or – later in Christianity – a saint.57 The usual purpose was healing.58
53
Cf. Lk 1:68: eujloghto;" Kuvrio"... o{ti ejpeskevyato kai; ejpoivhsen luvtrwsin tw'/ law'/ aujtou'.
Cf. H. BRANDEMBURG, Esculapio e S. Bartolomeo sull’isola Tiberina. La fine dei sacrari
pagani e il problema della contimuità del culto in veste cristiana nella tarda antichità e
nell’altomedioevo, in: Salute e guarigione nella tarda antichità. Atti della giornata tematica dei
Seminari di Archeologia Cristiana (Roma – 20 maggio 2004). A cura di Hugo BRANDENBURG,
Stefan HEID e Christoph MARKSCHIES. Città del Vaticano 2007, pp. 13–51.
55
Cf. P. GROSSMANN, Late Antique Christian Incubation Centres in Egypt, ibid., pp. 125–140.
56
Cf. G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, QEOS SWTHR. Aspetti del culto di Asclepio dall’età ellenistica
alla tarda antichità, ibid., pp. 245–272.
57
Cf. B. BRENK, Da Galeno a Cosma e Damiano. Considerazioni attorno all’introduzione
del culto dei ss. Cosma e Damiano a Roma, ibid. pp. 79–92; T. LEHMANN, Felix medicus ed
Ambrosius medicus. Vescovi, santi ed i luoghi di salvezza e guarigione fra IV e VI secolo,
ibid., pp. 149–164.
58
In the ancient times, the sick used to go to famous shrines to pray for healing (before that,
pagans did the same in their temples). They spent days and nights there and slept in the
shrines, cf. Vie et miracles de Sainte Thècle. Ed. G. DAGRON, Subsidia Hagiographica 62,
Bruxelles 1978, miracles: 12, 95–96; 18, 9; 30, 31 and during the incubation (sleep) in pagan
temples e.g.: goddess Isis in Egypt and Asclepius, “god of doctors and healing”, well-known
in all the empire, cf. T. S. MILLER, The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire, Baltimore
1985, pp. 38–41); the sick expected a visit of God or of a saint to evaluate their condition and
problems and to advise them how to get healed or to heal them straight away, cf. H. DELEHAYE, Les recueils antiques des miracles des Saints, Analecta Bollandiana 43, Paris 1925, 11f,
24f, 64f. Today, people come to places of pilgrimage, famous for miracles of healing as well
54
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The sick are referred to as brothers.59 The euchology Barberini uses
ajdelfov" only when speaking of monastic background.60 As early as in the
first monastic societies, the vivid idea of fraternal community, based on the
spirit of adoption (Rom 8:15; Gal 4:6), was present. In this spirit it was possible to become brothers and friends of Jesus (Jn 15:15).61 It is thus evident
that the prayer was composed for some community of monks or ascetics.
Mercy and compassion are the divine attributes which God is asked to
visit the sick brothers with; these were taken over from the Psalm 103 (v.
4). The psalm describes the spiritual condition of a person that praises the
Lord who has delivered his life from destruction. Upon these attributes,
God is asked to grant health and integrity to the sick, which is expressed
in verse 3 of the psalm. The request for healing can be considered central
theme of the prayer. Some verses of the psalm are often used at the sacred
liturgy and at the obednica and they constitute the centre of the first psalm
of the so-called typika or izobrazitelnyj.62 No wonder monks chose the
and there they pray to God, Virgin Mary or a saint for healing.
The most famous saints were Cosmas and Damian referred to as anargyroi (‘no money,’
they healed for free). They had a miraculous power to heal various sicknesses. Some of
their shrines became hospitals through the practice of incubation. The saints would perambulate around the shrines in the night and performe their miracles. The sick used to come
to these places from all over the empire; cf. H. J. MAGOULIAS, The Lives of the Saints as
Sources of Data for the History of Byzantine Medicine in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries,
Byzantinische Zeitschrift 57 (1964) p. 136. Their cult was very popular in the Middle Ages
and their churches can be found in Rome; even the oldest Czech churches were dedicated
to them (Prague Castle and Stará Boleslav). It could be worth studying if there were any
healings in these places; however, there is no doubt that Stará Boleslav has always been an
important place of pilgrimage and that the cathedral at the Prague Castle draws thousands
of tourists and pilgrims.
59
The term brother (ajdelfov") comes from the New Testament. Jesus calls all who worship
his Father his brothers: Mt 12:50; Mk 3:35; the disciples in the first place: Mt 28:10; Jn 20:17;
especially in Pauline letters: Rom 16:23; 1 Cor 1:1; 16:12; 2 Cor 1:1; Phil 2:25; Col 1:1 etc.
60
In the matutine prayer (PAR.BAR f. 61r); in the prayer of a deacon (PAR.BAR ff. 231v,
233ar, 234v, 237r, 238v); in the prayer at the writing of a monk’s name into the Book of Life
– when he becomes a monk and receives the “small habit” (PAR.BAR ff. 233ar; 234r), i.e.
analogy of temporary vows. For offices of monastic initiation: M. WAWRYK, The Offices of
Monastic Initiation in the Euchologium Sinaiticum and their Greek Sources, Harvard
Ukrainian Studies 10 (1986) pp. 5–47; WAWRYK, Initiatio monastica in Liturgia Byzantina,
OCA 180, Roma 1968.
61
Cf. D. J. CHITTY, The Desert a City. An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian and Palestinian Monasticism under the Christian Empire, Oxford 1966, p. 27.
62
Cf. P. DE MEESTER, The Divine Liturgy of Our Father among the Saints John Chrysostom :
Greek text with introduction and notes, Eng. transl. by the Benedectines of Stanbrook,
London : Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1926, pp. 104–105; typika (izobrazitelnyj) – consist
of Psalms 103 and 145 and Beatitudes (Mt 5:3–12). They can be sung at the beginning of
the liturgy instead of the three antiphons. Originally, they were a part of the office found in
the breviary after the sexta or nona; obednica – literally ‘small meal,’ it is the name of the
midday service, receiving the communion on days when there was no Eucharist celebra-
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psalm as basis of their prayer.
The prayer further develops a request for healing with the verb deliver
(î’zbavi, rJusavmeno"); it is used in the New Testament to indicate a rescue
from some evil, e.g. in the Our Father. Sickness and weakness that the
monks are to be delivered from is psychic as well as physical.
Previous requests for recovery and delivery from every sickness are to
make the sick qualified for the Lord to raise them from the bed of sorrow63 and introduce or stand them into the temple of prayer. Standing was
a common posture of a praying person (Ps 119:62; Mk 11:25; 1 Tim 2:8).
Temple (naov") was always a building used for religious ceremonies and it
was taken over from the ancient world.64 Communities of monks usually
had a church or a chapel65 which no laymen were allowed to enter.66
The last request asks that the brothers be added (priça•¯, sunavptwn)
again to the holy and spiritual flock;67 this implies that the brothers were
already part of a community (flock). The sickness is not only an indisposition of body, but of soul as well. Both are sometimes considered to be the
consequence of sin which is an invincible barrier in the common life of
the holy flock. A sin – sickness causes separation from God68 and places
the brothers outside the community, unable to take part in prayers that are
substantial and shaping feature of every Christian community, especially
the monastic one. The flock is described as holy (s©t™m´, th'/ iJevra), which
is a hapax legomenon in the context of the euchology. The term seems to
be bound to monastic life and some communities of monks are actually
called sacred communities.69
As for the term spiritual flock (mysl´n™m´... stad™, logikh'/ poimnh'/)
concerning the monastic community, similar image can be found in the
tion, cf. J. MATEOS, La célébration de la parole dans la liturgie byzantine, OCA 191, Roma
1971, pp. 68–71; MRŇÁVEK T., Modlitba typik (obednica), in Řeckokatolický kalendář 2009,
Praha: Apoštolský exarchát Řeckokatolické církve v ČR, 2008, pp. 69–71.
63
Jesus commands the paralysed to rise from his bed, e.g.: Mt 9:6; Jn 5:8; Mk 2:9; Lk 5:23;
Mk 5:41; Lk 8:54.
64
Cf. V. RUGGIERI, Consacrazione e dedicazione di chiesa, secondo il Barberinianus
graecus 336, OCP 54 (1988) p. 101.
65
The life of a small monastic community is described e.g. in RUGGIERI – A. ACCONCI – J. M.
FAETHERSTONE, Amboni carî e la «Vita Xenae seu Eusebiae» di Mylasa, OCP 68 (2002) pp. 67–88.
66
Cf. RUGGIERI, Byzantine religious architecture (582–867): Its History and Structural Elements, OCA 237, Roma 1991, p. 107.
67
sunavptwn pavlin aujtou;" th'/ iJevra'/ sou kai; logikh'/ poimnh'/ ejn Cristw'/ (PAR.BAR f. 252r).
68
J.-C. LARCHET, Teologia della malattia, Brescia 1993.
69
hJ iJera; koinovth" h] iJera; suvnaxi" (DE MEESTER, Liturgia Bizantina, p. 28). Some monks are
priests iJeromovnacoi and deacons iJerodiavkonoi (DE MEESTER, De monachico statu iuxta disciplinam byzantinam. Statuta selectis fontibus et commentariis instructa, Typis polyglotis
vaticanis 1942, p. 67); others, called anachorets, lived in solitude, meditation, and holiness:
aujto;n qewriva pra'gmav ejstin iJero;n kai; ajnavgon... (ibid., p. 68).
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70
prayer of kefaloklisia for the introduction of igumen.71 It is also a part of
the deacon’s ektenia, where incorporation of a brother into the holy and
spiritual flock is asked.72 Analogical idea of a holy and spiritual flock can
be found already in prayers and rites of Christian initiation.73 There seems
to be some connection or continuality between rites of monastic initiation
and baptism; the rites are rightly called second baptism.74 However, both
“baptisms” have the same base – to belong to Christ forever, which is developed especially in the monastic initiation. Word flock (stad™, poivmnh/)
comes from the parable of the Good Shepherd (cf. Jn 10:7–21).
The prayer is closed by the doxology In Jesus Christ, our Lord… that
comes from Pauline letters (Rom 1:4,7; 1 Cor 1:2).
Conclusion
This short study has offered us an opportunity to reveal some of the
treasures hidden in one of the oldest Byzantine liturgical books: Euchologium Sinaiticum Slavicum (Sinai sl. 37). It is a precious witness of the
liturgical heritage, spread throughout the Great Moravia by Ss. Cyril and
Methodius and their disciples.
The first prayer – Holy Father – in most times opens the series of
prayers for the sick and it is one of the shortest ones; it might have been
and still may be the most widely used prayer. Possibly, we can see here
the substance of the Christian prayer directed to God the Father, source of
all healing, who doesn’t need many words and difficult rites to answer
prayers of those who invoke him sincerely.
The second prayer shows how necessary it is that a member of a monastic or village Christian community is healthy, especially for his participation in the common prayer, a substantial part of the community’s life.
Health of all members was also important for collective work, as we cannot neglect Frček’s description of the Euchology as “rusticus.”
70
Kefaloklisia (kefaloklisiva) is a common form of bow in front of God; the faithful bow
their heads to receive a blessing, God’s grace or disposition to receive the Eucharist, other
sacrament or any other sacred item during the divine service, e.g. before the elevation of
the sacred bread before the communion (PAR.BAR ff. 20r; 35r–36r; 42r–v); at vespers:
soi;... soi; dou'loi ta;" eJautw'n e[klinan kefalav" (PAR.BAR f. 55r); at matins (morning prayer)
(PAR.BAR f. 57v) etc.
71
ajnavdeixon to;n dou'lovn sou…h'" ejmpisteuqeivsh" aujtw'/ uJpo; th'" sh'" cavrito" logikh'" poivm
nh" (PAR.BAR f. 175r); igumen – superior of a monastery.
72
PAR.BAR ff. 233ar–v, 234v; monks as a holy flock (PAR.BAR f. 236v); ektenia – prayer
recited by a deacon; similar to intercessions during the mass or other service.
73
Prayer for the catechumens to become the spiritual sheep of the holy flock:
poivhson aujto;n provbaton logikovn th'" aJgiva" poivmnh" tou' Cristou' sou (PAR.BAR f. 93v).
74
deuvteron bavptisma lambavnei" shvmeron, ajdelfev (DE MEESTER, Liturgia Bizantina, p. 37,
especially the note No. 1; RUGGIERI, Byzantine religious architecture, pp. 100–101).
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The place of these and other prayers from this Euchology within the rustic context of a Byzantine village may be a suitable topic for another study.
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