VERISM0 FROM LITERATURE TO Matten Sansone Ph. D. University of Edinburgh 1987 OPERA ABSTRACT OF THESIS The present study is mainly concerned with a comparative analysis of the libretti and the literary sources of some Italian operas composed between 1890 and 1900, that is in the decade commonly idenRusticana and closed by tified as 'veristic', opened by Cavalleria Tosca. It also attempts a reassessment of the connections between literary verismo and the musical theatre of the late nineteenth century in Italy. The controversial of some 'veristic' evaluation operas has often led to wrong assumptions concerning the characteristics of literary While the positive contributions of the movement to the musiverismo. have, on the whole, been overlooked, cal theatre major shortcomings 1890s, in the such as excess and sensationalism noticeable operas of literature. The essential have been blamed on veristic features of literary adaptverismo could not, and did not, pass into any operatic A comparative of the source and the libretto ation. analysis of MasCavalleria Rusticana shows the limited extent to which Verga's cagni's innovative conception was preserved in the musical transposition. literary The major figures of Italian verismo, Giovanni Verga and Luigi Capuana, happened to be personally involved in the adaptation of some works of their own for the musical theatre, namely La The outcome Lupa and I1 Mistero by the former, Malia by the latter. partly because Verga of the experiment was altogether disappointing, to challenge the estaband Capuana were not able, nor indeed willing, lished conventions of a versified operatic text, partly for the modest (P. Tasca, D. Monleone, level of the composers who set their libretti F. P. Frontini). The prevailingly literary approach chosen in this study accounts for the exclusion of Leoncavallo's Pagliacci from a detailed textual libretto 1. Its is Chapter in though the to analysis, opera referred from was written by the composer himself on the basis of recollections his childhood. On the other hand, the inclusion of a totally neglectby the literary source of ed opera, Giordano's Mala Vita, is justified (a play by Salvatore Di Giacomo). the libretto The analysis of a libretto would not be exhaustive if it did not This has not been take into account the musical treatment of the text. neglected in the examination of the operas selected for the present Musical illustrations from the vocal scores have been included study. sources and the libretti. along with excerpts from the literary CONTENTS Pace 1 Introduction Chapter 11. 2. Towards a definition of verismo in late century Italian opera The offspring Chapter 2- of Mascagni's Cavalleria The Verismo of Cavalleria 1. From Verga's "Scene popolari" 2. Gastaldon's Rusticana 3. Verga, Mascagni and the critics Chapter 3- School Verismo and the Young Italian Literary nineteenthRusticana 4 20 31 Rusticana to Mascagni's opera Mala Pasqua! and Monleone's Cavalleria 31 49 62 76 Verga and Capuana as Librettists Chronicle Lupa: La and 4 76 1. Puccini 2. 3. The short story, the play and the libretto of La Lupa I1 Mistero by G. Verga, Giovanni and Domenico Monleone 109 4. Malia by L. Capuana and Francesco Paolo Frontini 123 Chapter 4- Salvatore of an abortive Di Giacomo and Neapolitan project Verismo 1. The poet of colours 2. Mala Vita by Nicola Daspuro and Umberto Giordano Musical postcards from Naples: A Santa Lucia and A Basso Porto 3. and sounds 83 141 141 156 173 Conclusion 186 Notes 189 Bibliography 206 INTRODUCTION The present study is mainly concerned with a comparative analyand the literary operas sis of the libretti sources of some Italian composed between 1890 and 1900, that is in the decade commonly idenas 'veristic', opened by Cavalleria Rusticana and closed by Tosca. It also attempts a reassessment of the connections between literary verismo and the musical theatre of the late nineteenth century in Italy. tified The controversial evaluation of some operas, labelled as 'verihas often led to wrong assumptions concerning the characterisstic', tics of literary While the positive contributions verismo. of the movement to the musical theatre have, on the whole, been overlooked, major shortcomings - such as excess and sensationalism - noticeable in second-rate operas of the 1890s, have been blamed on veristic litThe essential features of literary erature. verismo could not, and did not, pass into any operatic adaptation of the 1890s. A comparative analysis of the source and the libretto of Mascagni's Cavalleria Rusticana shows the limited extent to which Verga's innovative concepwas preserved in the musical transposition. The major figures of Italian literary verismo, Giovanni Verga and Luigi Capuana, happened to be personally involved in the adaptation of some works of their own for the musical theatre, namely La tion Lupa and Il Mistero by the former, Malia by the latter. The outcome of the experiment was altogether disappointing, partly because Verga to challenge the estaband Capuana were not able, nor indeed willing, lished conventions of a versified operatic text, partly because of the modest level of the composers who set their 0. Monleone, F. P. Frontini). The prevailingly for the exclusion textual analysis, libretti (P. Tasca, literary approach chosen in this study accounts of Ruggero Leoncavallo's Pagliacci from a detailed though the opera is often referred to in Chapter 1. paired with Cavalleria Rusticana as the best-known operas of trend, Pagliacci has a libretto the 'veristic' written by the composer from his childhood. If a case were himself and based on recollections Usually the libretto to be made of 'verismo from opera to literature', lgiacci should be classified as a sensational feuilleton with 1 of Paliterary (the pretensions tics of verismo; own aestheprologue with a statement of the author's the old device of the play within the play). On the other hand, the Umberto Giordano's opera, inclusion is justified Mala Vita, (a libretto the play by Salvatore of comparison it makes with Cavalleria ness to the original text and the of a totally neglected veristic by the literary source Di Giacomo) and the interesting Rusticana impact as regards the faithful- the opera had on contemporary audiences. Some guidelines have been followed in setting the limits and ob- jectives of this study. The analysis of a libretto would not be exhaustive and critically reliable if it did not take into account the musical treatment of the text which is not only relevant for a comprehensive assessment of in a comparative study of the literary an opera but also instrumental The ultimate classification sources of a libretto. of an opera is actually a problem of musical dramaturgy in which the literary connections of the libretto are of secondary importance. dramatic shape, number Linguistic versification, registers, and casting of vocal roles, function and frequency of choral sections, in a literary text, the libmaterialize elements which first determining their best retto; but the aesthetic and formal criteria In the arrangement belong to the conventions of the musical theatre. are all choice of subjects, different trends, tastes and education sheer expediency. The practical, factors interfere: cultural non-literary influence, of the public, the publisher's business-like approach of the composers of the Young Italian School in the choice of their libretti is a sign of the Verdi claimed that a composer should look askance when writtimes. ing an opera: the reasons of art and the demands of the public were Puccini, more cynically, believed that: to be equally considered. 'I1 faut frapper le public'. Verdi lived and worked through the RiWhatever the subjects of his operas, we detect a solid sorgimento. A sneering court-jester could ethical code underlying his dramaturgy. say to his daughter in the privacy of their home: 'Culto, famiglia, a /Il in tel' Faith in God, the family and the universo mio patria, fatherland pertained to Rigoletto no less than to Rolando about to fight tion Barbarossa at Legnano and entrusting his wife with the educa'Digli ch'e sangue mio, /... /E dopo Dio la Patria/ of their child: 2 Gli apprendi a rispettar. ' The composers of the Young Italian math of the Risorgimento. years of the fin-de-siecle the new social reality They reached crisis which School their of ethical grew up in the after- artistic in the maturity and aesthetic emerged from the political In values. unification, the function 'melodramma' as a unifying of the nineteenth-century cultural and ideological medium had come to an end. In literature, the iconoclastic of and regenerating experience the 'Scapigliatura' by a number of contrasting tendencies was followed providing herence ism, did cultural to one or other exoticism not imply influences, Verdi to young composers. As for aesthetics. to Massenet and down to the drawing-room production ad- decadentism, symbolverismo, in the last quarter of the century, ranged from Wagner to the French of cultural The occasional of the trends - which were rife a commitment to their they wide spectrum dictory incentives and musical of the Young Italian School the musical song style. references in variable from grand-opera, Such a had an impact and often on the contra- ways. opera is therefore a 'verismo' composer or a 'veristic' An examinasimplifications. no easy matter and may lead to arbitrary tion of the connections between literary verismo and late nineteenthcentury Italian opera seems to be a step in the right direction. Defining 3 Chapter 1 LITERARY VERISMO AND THE YOUNG ITALIAN SCHOOL 1. Towards a definition Italian opera The expression tion of verismo in late 'operatic of a fundamental verismo' nineteenth-century originated work of the short-lived from the associa- veristic theatre Ver- "Scene popolari (1884) Cavalleria Rusticana siciliane" - with Mascagni's 'melodramma' based on it. The year 1890, when the opera date of birth was first performed in Rome, was assumed as the official ga's was supposed to be the archetype. of which Cavalleria In the 1890s there was a limited production of operas based on veris- of a new tendency tic and Mala Vita, and a large number of such as Pagliacci In the course of the decade, however, literary imitations. subjects, mediocre verismo ceased to be a source for of subjects any major opera. So, Iris, Tosca, when works such as La Wally, La Boheme, Andrea Chenier, had to be accounted for, the problem of defining a new compositional style on purely grounds musico-dramatic Alternative denominations were suggested: 'naturalistic', 'of the Young School'. cinian', became crucial. to the misleading 'operatic verismo' 'Puc'postverdian', 'late-romantic', The last one proved the most comprehensive and the least compromising as it is mainly based on a histoThe term 'School' should be understood as a convenrical criterion. tional grouping of composers with different trainings and cultural backgrounds and, indeed, with distinct artistic ni, Mascagni, Leoncavallo, Giordano, Franchetti, Puccipersonalities: Cilea and others. born round the decade 1855-65 and, in their formative years, were exposed to the same sort of national and foreign influences (Ponchielli, Verdi, Gounod, Massenet, Bizet, Wagner) which they assiThey were all Puccini for been has made case milated but inclinations, in terms of outstanding achievements and cultural his stylistic references are not all that far apart from the common ground of the group. in various degrees. A special the operas of the The established practice of categorizing School according to whether the libretti Young Italian are derived 4 thematic, from veristic uistic works or contain similar led laborious has to elements, ings. The term first with the Young School that degrees 'verismo' variable of exercise evolution is Cavalleria is It are still at pains to assess to stress necessary as it that to connect attempts the a literary in opera with features and vocal linked composers or in different hardly pursuit group- unsatisfactory has become so closely in different a frustrating of new musical and largely some critics by the same composer. operas this used for and ling- structural drive and movement which, in the 1890s, had exhausted its innovative tendencies was losing ground to other contrasting such as D'Annunzio's decadentism and Fogazzaro's in turning Verga himself, spiritualism. his short 1891-94, story moved away from the verismo which eventually essay "Verismo interested Puccini in der Oper", 'Verismo literature. in veristic they which from veristic all for As Egon Voss states It should is ironical be labelled by either rejected a hybrid in his composers were not immediately '1 School in the years Puccini, of the 1880s and created to set. refused sers of the Young Italian verismo a libretto "La Lupa" into the compo- that one term to set libretti with refusing the uncongenial nature of works or pronouncing CaMascagni's Even to that movement to their applied art. when own is not entirely 'operatic the definition satisfacverismo' valleria, derived tory for play on the musico-dramatic two reasons: firstly, it overstates characteristics the impact of Verga's of the opera which was, on the whole, less innovative than the "Scene popolari siciliane"; tendency secondly, it does not accommodate the notion that a realistic pre-existed to Mascagni's Cavalleria and stemmed from the erosion of the ideological and musico-dramatic structures of the romantic dramma', irrespectively of the veristic movement in literature. ever, tents the real problem is not so much one of denominations and historical perspectives. 'meloHow- as of con- Although literary verismo is best represented by Southern Ita(Verga and Capuana), it was in Milan that the movelians and Sicilians 1870s. in It was partly the positive outcome of the originated ment the non-conformist, movement which involved subversive 'Scapigliatura' The in Milan. its had centre and painters, musicians, poets, critics term 'Scapigliatura' 'boheme' by Cletto was introduced Arrighi as a translation of the French in his novel La Scapigliatura 5 e it 6 feb- braio (Milano, of the movement, illustratof manifesto Leading life of young 'scapigliati'. adventurous 1862), ing the irregular, a sort Arrigo the the poets young movement were of members Tranquillo Cremona, the musician Praga, the painter critic -close Cameroni. Felice to the presented by the playwright rana and the novelist Igino and Emilio Franco Faccio, the were also and the young Catalani 2 A Piedmontese section was re- Ponchielli 'Scapigliatura' Boito circle. Giuseppe Giacosa, the poet Giovanni Came- Ugo Tarchetti. The aspiration to free themselves from cultural provincialism, an urgency to move beyond the extenuated romanticism of much secondto look outside Italy rate literary production led the 'scapigliati' towards France, in particular, and Germany. French naturalism and Zola became major cultural models introduced references and authoritative by the critical writings of Cameroni and made widely accessible by the Verga's arrival of Emilio Treves. open-minded publishing activity Milan, in 1872, came at the right moment in his literary career. in He Cameroni. In Giacosa the stimulating Boito, and enwith in Italy, Verga tried the cultural centre most progressive vironment of subject matter out his new style and began to deal with a different His vefrom his early novels set in fashionable high-society circles. made friends Sicihis the of rural ethical world of popular, rismo was a rediscovery ly which he contemplated and described with the detachment and nostalgia of a transplanted intellectual. Verga's feature dominant be the of singled out as may stories and novels of the 1880s: restraint of passion and emotion in in the portrayal of Sicilian peasants and fishermen; formal restraint Restraint the elaboration of a terse, self-effacing, sapid prose style which almost lets the story tell itself and the characters speak their minds in their own way. Sensationalism and excess are banished on principle. Violence may occur in the form of murder and is set within the natural is it. A the short the example community good of which endorses ethics in Turiddu Rusticana" has to "Cavalleria Alfio challenge where story Lu"La kill in In him duel. the then story, next a rustic public and from liberates kills Pina the Nanni a sort of village and whole pa", But it is more often the case that violence manifests enchantress. itself in the form of natural to improve material efforts In this by the 'defeated'. calamities, acts of God thwarting all way wellbeing and endured in a dignified fatal struggle with the elements of a hos- 6 life, Verga's hardships the of an unrewarding and with nature Such is epic dimension. peasants and fishermen acquire a universal, A deep pessithe moral world of I Malavoglia, Verga's masterpiece. tile mism inspires condition. or desirable of this apparently inescapable prevents him from envisaging any possible His austere, unmitigated presentation fixes the the novelist's His conservatism change. vision predicament of his people in a mythical red by the pounding pace of history. tragic As for tive in the Italian verismo in the sense that character theatre, Verga, dramatized their Rusticana, La Lupa and Di Giacomo's compromises different cilian with own narrative artistic world medium. being displayed panying adjective of Verga's indicated of the scenes. the That implied which were not simply due to the had to be adequately of behaviour were to be fully Cavalleria low-class The psychological "Scene popolari" and of most veristic environment and dramatic and the choral identity between the was focused through the interaction fellow the social group (neighbours, workmen). racters This technique certain own society customs or patterns Hence the denomination appreciated. the title have a deriva- In the case of Verga's first play, the Sifor the first time to unfamiliar audiences the relationship and dramatically relevant; certain correctly stir- Capuana, Di Giacomo usually Malavita. works, had to be made intelligible between the individuals and their cused if most plays hardly Such is the case of Cavalleria works. the original stillness foand accomThe plays. structure of the main chaindividual and and pithiextreme liveliness ness in the dialogues; secondly, a reduction of the plot to one basic situation containing in itself a fasta logical denouement; thirdly, moving action leaving no space for melodramatic claptrap but relying entailed: on unambiguous, striking strophe (e. g. Santuzza's firstly, to mark the progress towards the cata'Mala Pasqua a te! ', in curse to Turridu: signals Cavalleria). The combination of these elements never reached a fully satisfactory balance in any veristic play, with the exception of Cavalleria Rusticana (though some reservations should be made about Santuzza's In minor long speech in Scene 1 and a certain slackening in Scene 6). indilike Giacomo, Di the the tended to environment outweigh authors, The overabundance of spectacular and folkloric details turndramatic build-up into a series of ed verismo into picturesqueness, three-dimensional vignetcharacters into colourful sensational jolts, viduals. 7 tes. nents It is because of the emphasis on the environmental that the veristic number of "Scene popolari" also in a large more than the narrative of Italian further e. g., dialects to the marked localization contributed como's Neapolitan the characteristic evidences The use of regional verismo. Capuana's works, three volumes of Teatro instead compotheatre, regionalism of Italian plays: of most veristic dialettale siciliano, Di Gia- plays. Although the Italian did not match up to the artistic achievements of the narrative works, it had a strong, positive effect on the stale national repertory of romantic and bourgeois subjects. The language also benefited from the new veristic models of a veristic theatre full-blooded, straight medium. Lastly, a new acting style elow-class volved in the theatre in order to render the unsophisticated Away from the grand, heroic, highcharacters of the "Scene popolari". interpreters flown postures, veristic tried to be simple, down-to-earth, supple, The greatest of them all was Eleonora Duse (1858-1924), the natural. first Santuzza. Restraint and naturalness distinguished her approach to the interpretation Reporting on peasant character. of the Sicilian the successful Turin premiere of Verga's play (Corriere della Sera, 1516 January 1884), Eugenio Torelli-Viollier wrote about Duse's acting: Nella parte della fanciulla sedotta e che denuncia 1'amante, restando sempre sobria, frenata, semplice, senza mai un grido, senza mai un gesto violento, produsse effetti di alta commozione e fece fremere e piangere gli spettatori. Duse's new acting technique largely accounts for the veristic interpretative approach of great sopranos such as GemmaBellincioni (1864-1950) and the French EmmaCalve (1858-1942). In her book of memoirs, Sous tous les ciels j'ai chante (Paris, 1940), Calve recalled the deep emotion she felt the first time she saw E. Duse act in La dame aux camelias in Florence: 'Quelle revelation! Voilä fart auquel il faut aspirer.... Elle semble appartenir ä une humanite plus vibrante (p. la Quels emotion 41). ' Quelle nötre. accents! que communicative! Calve also saw Duse act in Verga's Cavalleria in Bologna. Spontaneity, truthfulness, emotional restraint, were qualities Verga tried hard to retain in his plays. Cavalleria to his great prose works of the early in the highest degree. qualities closest 8 Rusticana was the 1880s and retained those In the 1890s, be experimented lari". And it so happened that were incompatible the reduction of the plot, background, the social the risk The operatic apprehensible compression roles providing in- Chorus, to an operatic and sensationalism. Cavalleria, for effaced a start, of the play and emphasized feelings of love, jealousy and re'exotic' of the low-class environ- peculiarities veristic universal on the novelty capitalizing venge, of the minor picturesqueness of Verga's transposition of the vocal nature indispensable the aggregation into of the aesthe- and impersonality subjective or elimination of lapsing from the prose theatre restraint Moreover, or their the non-melodramatic, the easily formal only of the "Scene popo- impoverishment the essentially with in the music drama. expression creased Verga's of verismo. premises level the transition in a further one resulted could of verismo inferior at the artistically to the musical tic transposition the operatic ment. The casual quence in Mascagni's before pressing Menasci, gives for literary subsequent search of Cavalleria the premiere already with encounter his a new libretto. us an idea of his would do, provided it for His letter practical, feasible texts. Four weeks in Rome, the composer was G. Targioni Tozzetti and G. Rusticana friends, Livornese would be of no conse- verismo to them, dated uncommitted had a good dramatic 19 April approach. 1890, Anything potential: Ii genere? A piacere. Qualunque genere per me e buono, purche ci sia veritä, che ci sia passiýne e soprattutto il dramma, il dramma forte. Mascagni's production in the years following Cavalleria Rusticain the choice of libretti. His operas inna proves his eclecticism clude the light idyll L'Amico Fritz (1891) and the romantic tragedy (1895), the long-cherished project of his youthful Guglielmo Ratcliff years; the ludicrous 'dramma marinaresco' copy of Cavalleria arranged by the faithful the exotic Iris (1898), the first of Luigi Mascagni. In 1901 there follows a revival Silvano (1895), Targioni Illica's a carbon Tozzetti, and three libretti for of the commedia dell'arte The opera was preby Illica). theatres (Genoa, Milan, Turin, with Le Maschere (libretto sented simultaneously in six Italian Venice, Verona, Rome) thanks to an unprecedented publicity Illica libretto by The Sonzogno. third Edoardo by mounted tradition 9 operation is the 'leg- (1911), Godiva Lady Isabeau the drammatica' of an adaptation genda legend. In 1910, during the composition of the opera, Mascagni was interviewed by Arnaldo Fraccaroli for the Corriere della Sera ("Sotto18 October 1910). Being asked whether he had fallen back on Mascagni made one of his memorable statements on the aes- voce", romanticism, thetics of music: Completamente; e pure ho cominciato col verismo! Ma il verismo ammazzala musica. E' nella poesia, nel romanticismo, che la ispirazione pub trovare le ali. Verismo kills If music! is the case, that much verismo managed to seep into the operatic not a lethal dose. however, With Isabeau, decadentism ter and living to the composer twenty Il (2-3 (see below, lirica in quattro written In one thousand the poet dramatized the tragic Mascagni later most of his production. Guido Maria Gatti those long-winded story D'Annunzio, an abusive cut "Il finally in article capobanda" (La Scala, by D'Annunzio as a libretto hundred ornate and musical love of Ugo d'Este's III, and their for acts, it decent music. serious 4 for lines execution endeavour at Ferrara. faded in an essay on D'Annunzio's Mascagni's 15 his in fifteenth-century the opera to three Yet, into Parisina atti' Malatesta, Niccolb acknowledged verses four Parisina young stepmother the command of Ugo's father, Although after the very mas- Ch. 2, p. 66). December 1913) was expressly beautiful but apprenticeship with September 1892) had dubbed Mascagni The 'tragedia the composer. a useful collaboration years presumably was not romanticism symbol of the movement, Gabriele reconciled Mattino Cavalleria; it It'was Mascagni subscribed to. Jotthe him which prepared gratifying wonder how one might out like libretti, to turn Such a wide range of subjects and styles shows how every literary movement or fashion which evolved in Italy in the last quarter of the nineteenth century left its mark on the libretti set by Mascagni. The same could be said, to a certain extent, for the production of other composers of the Young School. The Orientalism of Iris antici(1904); Il piccolo Marat, written by Mascagni pates MadamaButterfly as late as 1921, is in line with Giordano's both are French Revolution subjects treated Unfortunately Andrea Chenier (1896): in a 'veristic' style. for Mascagni, only a few excerpts from these ope- 10 included in have recordings and still are and escaped oblivion ras from "Intermezzo" Duet" "Cherry the and concert programmes: e. g., "Dream", the "Hymn to. the Sun" Guglielmo Ratcliff's L'Amico Fritz, Mascagni's operas, forming ideal An attempt at 'editing' made by Giannotto Bastianelli suites with its best parts, was first in his Pietro Mascagni (Napoli, 1910), perhaps the-earliest compre- from Iris. hensive study on the 'plebeian musician', called him. In as the critic more recent times, John W. Klein devoted an essay to "Pietro Mascagni: (Musical Enigmatic Figure" Opinion, February 1937) in which he dean known operas and stated that: 'There can be little doubt that Mascagni's finest music is not to be found in the early oneact opera that made him world famous and that he himself regards as fended those lesser sentimental and distinctly The major sustained ture inspiration With all its throughout musical pace which effectively strophe and secures to some of his later in Mascagni's in fatal which results ness. fast flaw inferior stylistic forgotten a three- lapses or four-act of tension 'primitivism', leads operas is operas'. an inadequately dramatic and in stylistic Cavalleria to the veristic patchi- Rusticana shout struchas a of the cata- consistency. When the whole of Mascagni's production is considered - fifteen operas from Cavalleria to Nerone (1935) - it becomes clear how misrepresented he is under the label of 'verismo' composer. That early and unrenewed choice cannot be assumed as a permanent aesthetic position as regards both the libretti and the musico-dramatic features of the composer's works. Literary verismo recorded its highest achievements in the early 1880s, that is in the years which witnessed the renewal of Verdi's Verga's first after the long pause following Aida (1871). activity of veristic collection short stories Vita dei Campi appeared in Milan in the summer of 1880; his best novel, I Malavoglia, in 1881. In 1883 Verga turned one of those short stories into the successful play Cavalleria Rusticana (Turin, 14 January 1884). Towards the end of the decade, Verga published the second novel of the cycle of the 'Defeated', Mastro-don Gesualdo (1889) which coincided with the appearance of D'AnAs for Verdi, in 1880 he planned the revision of nunzio's I1 piacere. Simon Boccanegra which was to bring together for the first time the age- ing composer and the former 'scapigliato' In the followArrigo Boito. ing years, they worked on Otello (La Scala, 5 February 1887). 11 There is a well-known letter by Verdi to Giulio Ricordi, dated 20 November 1880, with an interesting reference to the new veristic Verdi is discussing the possible improvements to the second trend. the the old verBoccanegra of cabalettas mentioning after and, act of in harmony fashions the he and new on comments makes sarcastic sion, digression launches into then on verismo: a and orchestration Ahi, ahi! Ah, il progresso, la scienza, il verismo...! Verista finche volete, ma... Shakespeare era un verista, noi sima non lo sapeva. Era un verista d'ispirazione; Allora tanto fa: amo veristi per progetto, per calcolo. I1 belsistema per sistema, meglio ancora le cabalette. lo si e che, a furia di progresso, 1'arte torna indietro. di naturalezza e di semL'arte che manca di sponaneitä, plicitä, non e piü arte. In Charles Osborne's which isnot literary in the cultural took innovation in his he made that quite Once more, pressions stance save that his own way. clear ideas for something seemed to challenge the next moment he would be pursuing For Verdi, 'copying on 'truth' of admiration whenever in an earlier between distinction subtle who was by then a well-known 6 In his characteristic way, of Milan. circles or orthodoxy 'realism' in particular, a conservative tradition with must have had in mind the new the same because Verdi and Verga, trend figure Verdi quite is rendered 'verismo' translation, 'vero' meant artistic letter to Clara and 'inventing the truth' in conjunction 7 'Father'. were put forward Shakespeare, the Maffei truth, and about the the truth'. with ex- The evolution Italian opera is marked, of late nineteenth-century among other events, by Verdi's realistic approach to Shakespeare tin(the Boito by ged with 'Scapigliatura' morbid and elements contributed in Otello, The musico-dramatic and the grotesque in Falstaff). references vocal novelties of Otello were to become one of the stylistic of the Young School. the evil The heyday of 'operatic verismo' - 1890-92, i. e. the period of Mala Vita and Pagliacci - comes half way between the 'dramCavalleria, (1893). (1887) In lirica' Falstaff 'commedia Otello the lirico' and ma the search for musical precedents, the widespread belief that the realiits libretto than depends the on rather on stic character of an opera 'Shakespearean' the has led to treatment, overlook many writers musical Verdi in favour of the earlier Traviata 12 (1853), often seen as a pre- the its the risand subject contemporary of on grounds work for Leibowitz, Rene femme the theme example, stated: entretenue. of que 'veristic' le La I1 est clair traviata sinon preconstitue, que la 1'etape du plus radicale opera veriste, moins mier Et si, de la sorte, sur la voie qui devait y mener. le verisme a contracte envers une dette inneffagable etrange et paradoxal la musique de Verdi, n'est-il-pas ä un certain de voir, moment, cette musique condamnee dire au nom de cette esthetique si j'ose meme?'8 In the rich tic it verismo', is significant du neant' 'l'usine on its vallo Both works, do without being The realism tify a 'veristic' stressed having borrowed Murger's argued the fastidious tarted 'operaas of an adverse re- in 1903. Puccini Next and Leonca- Scenes de la vie Debussy, 'could de certainly up in music. '9 of the French reading of Dumas's play treatment structures in the context at the Opera-Comique revival of it definition who had dared to use La Dame aux camelias, were blamed for Boheme. comments on Italian Debussy's that be coined should view of La Traviata to Verdi of French derogatory repertoire source is certainly of La Traviata. Verdi's is consistently respectful not enough to jusmusico-dramatic of the formal have Some modern scholars 'melodramma'. of the romantic 10 in his essay One of them, Giovanni Ugolini, this point. "La traviata ei rapporti di Verdi con 1'opera between the harmonic pointed out similarities 11 Otello and the style of the Young School. verista", and vocal has also writing of In a later "Umberto Giordano e it problema dell'ocontribution, Ugolini discusses in detail the whole problem of definpera verista", ing a 'veristic' opera and concludes that it is a question of musical 12 dramaturgy and vocal writing. He also singles out the main characteristics of a 'veristic' style which could be taken as representative School in Young in the Italian and operas composed verifiable most of The chanineteenth century, whatever their subject matter. can be summedup as follows: racteristics with sentimental languor; a) passionate tension alternating b) violent contrasts or extreme delicacy in the vocal line, the late c) the orchestra following and supporting; equal treatment of the various components of the operatic ); (recitative, solo pieces, ensembles, etc. structure 13 of dramatic and vocal differentiation elimination parts in ensemble pieces; no bel canto coloratura. d) e) These stylistic features tion of new structures to dramatic continuity. pieces, b) a flexibility in late should be considered within the evoluItalian opera tending nineteenth-century That means: a) a gradual obliteration of set of the duet form to accommodate musical discopresence of the orchestra providing textural c) a pervasive In this respect, course, hesion. of Otello and Falstaff are much more innovative than the modest products of the Young School, with the exceptions of Puccini's Manon Lescaut (1893) and La Boheme (1896). In the limited Rusticana, of operas based on veristic subjects (Cavalleria Mala Vita, and their imitations) features the stylistic (one or two mentioned above are emphasized by the small proportions acts) and the sensational events of the libretti. production Pagliacci, In those esteem: Alfredo untimely death Italian School itinerary tic stage. fruitful Catalani's (1893) another opera won success and critical La Wally (La Scala, 20 January 1892). The years, of the unfortunate of a gifted musician heeding the noisy without 13 Lucchese deprived who proceeded irruption on his of verismo the Young own artistic on the opera- In 1891, the music critic journal Nuova Antoloof the literary Gazzetta Musicale for listyia, Girolamo A. Biaggi, quoted Ricordi's ing fifty-two new Italian operas premiered in 1890, each classified, according to the outcome, in one of four 'mediocre', 'cattivo'. Only two operas Loreley and Mascagni's namely Catalani's 'Ma (vedi giuochi commented with regret: grades: 'buonissimo', 'buono', were entered under 'buonissimo', Cavalleria Rusticana. Biaggi della ) a galoppo didi mezza Europa, fortuna! steso la Cavalleria Rusticana ha giä Corsi i teatri e la povera Loreley, dagli applausi e dalle acclamazioni Regio di Torino, passb alla quiete dell'Archivio Ricordi del teatro e non si mosliterary Mascagni could, at least, work on a valuable would not have. In the following years, source which his imitators the rise of 'operatic verismo' was marked by a progressive degenera- se piü! '14 starting with the excess, sensationalism, picturesqueness, Paone and only opera which has survived to our days, Leoncavallo's A derogatory implication was attached to the expression and, gliacci. in the process of time, it affected any consideration of the literary tion into 14 movement in relation stic' decade. 'veri- to the operas of the 1890s, the so-called School, GiacoTurning to the major figure of the Young Italian literary his be that veit Puccini, with contacts emphasized must mo Mascaby inaugurated decade In the totally unproductive. rismo were two attempts were made to involve Puccini in the comVerby Giulio Ricordi a wanted who operas: one position of veristic the Sonzogno, his House for his to owner rival antagonize opera ghian Bracco Roberto by Neapolitan the Cavalleria; the playwright other of gni', s Cavalleria, who was willing (1895). The first to adapt his veristic one-act play Don Pietro Caruso led to a libretto derived from project actually Verga's short story "La Lupa" but Puccini found it uncongenial and dropped it in favour of La Boheme. Bracco's play was a psychological with set in a drab interior, study of contemporary Neapolitan life, folklore to three or picturesqueand no concessions characters only in for treatment the It an operatic unsuitable certainly was ness. fashionable 'veristic' style of the 1890s unless Puccini were to exPietro Don technique. Straussian conversation-piece periment with a idea the of a possible so not consideration, was refused after careful Ricordi's In a letter to Carlo Clausetti, with Bracco. collaboration Bracco the between in Naples composand and middleman representative er, Puccini outlined his own requirements in terms which remind us of Mascagni's instructions wanted libretti Tozzetti to Targioni containing sensation quoted above. and drama: Puccini (Torre del Lago, 10 November 1899) drammatiche, forti sensaziosensazioni e grandi, ... nali, dove it sentimento si eleva e cozzandosi, urtandosi, produce attriti drammatici, quasi epici; insommanon desidero essere terra terra (non a questa Mi euna allusione ne censura ai lavori di Bracco). sprimo male, ma tu mi avrai capito: "il faut frapper he public"! Ci vuole qualcosa di insolito, sempre, in teatro. Il pubblico ha sete di nuovo, c. vogliono trovate musicali, essenzialmente musicali. The subject matter of an opera did not have to be 'terra is to say simple, down-to-earth; we might say veristic. terra', that Puccini wan- and great passions; above all, something musical'il teatro melodrambecause, he continued in the letter, ly effective The di it altra teatro a whole paragraph ben prosa'. the cosa matico Tosca, illustrate the of be to letter characteristics used might of the ted dramatic tension 15 the opera which had just been finished by Puccini and was about to be 1900). in To14 January Nothing (Teatro Costanzi, in Rome premiered it is sensational and full of dramatic sca is 'terra terra'; it has all the suitable ingredients to 'frapper le tations; The case of Tosca exemplifies a false idea of verismo negatively on the literary movement of that name. reflected confronpublic'. which has As late dediGarner 1985, in Cambridge Opera Tosca, Mosco Handbook the on as After defining cated a chapter to "Naturalism in opera: verismo". opera as a 'milestone of verismo', he stated: Puccini's in the relatively short-lived history At the heart of verismo is excess - excess of passion and emotion leading to brutal murder and/or suicide; climax follows climax in quick succession, and no soonthan it is destroyed by a coner is a mood a '6tablished trasting mood. context, Garner meant by 'verismo' the musico-dramatic School, a denomination he accepted in techniques of the Young Italian As such, 'verismo' might the sense specified in the present study. be as good as any other label to identify a known product, and Garner In that would be in agreement with other scholars who adopted that term to identify But an autonomous aesthetic trend in the musical theatre. Carner also connected that meaning with the literary movement which he saw as partly springing from 'a certain tendency to realistic treatin the national character. ' He mentioned ment, reflecting a trait Verga, Capuana and, in retrospect, Boccaccio's Decameron and Dante's Inferno (Manzoni's realistic novel I promessi sposi was unaccountably At such a high level of generalization, a similar comparison could be tried for many other 'isms' (romanticism, symbolism, ) in the case of a complex text using the same works, especially etc. like Dante's Inferno. missed out). Leaving aside a discussion of realism as a general trend in it must be pointed out that a misunderstanding of verismo literature, far-fetched in to Verga's such a seems particular, underlie art, and been has Formal excess, and not emotional restraint, evaluation. Tosca dominant feature Verga's the works. veristic of singled out as shocker' of Joseph Kerman's catchy might even be the 'shabby little definition, but, with verismo. if that Puccini, is the case, the reasons have nothing to do Illica and Giacosa contrived a melodramatic 16 free to 'veristic' play sentiand allowing pace a at mechanism working frenzy, Scarpia's ingredients: decadent sexual sadism and mental and Giuseppe Giacosa, himself a Tosca's sensual and possessive nature. text the the of artistic quality of modest aware was well playwright, French play and He disliked the original he was handling for Puccini. Sardou. In a letter to Ricordi writits shrewd manufacturer Victorien ten in 1896, he pointed out as the major fault of the play the contriexpansion: 'I1 with no space for lyrical guaio piü grande sta in cit, the la parte dirt cos! meccanica, cioe it 17 vi ha troppa prevalenza a scapito della poesia'. congegno dei fatti, Nevertheless the final result of the laborious process of creation was facts vance of sensational which has so far an effective, musically poignant operatic thriller defied slashing criticism and snobbishness. The musico-dramatic techniques by the Young Italian the ones practised certainly 'veristic' may be applied and the vocal to themin that sense. of Tosca are style School, and the, term On the other hand, the lack background, keep Tosca miles of social away from literary verismo and, to a large extent, also from the early Pagliacci, veristic operas of the 1890s. with all the sensation of the decadent the double elements, murder on stage, of the interaction stead, is still an opera with even in their absence. literation, of the historical Sardou's play is particularly Cavaradossi. indulging the fundamental between environment stage ter respects in vocal He is just exploits 'big' The compression, and political noticeable a 'signor like the roles dominating which in the character 'Vittoria! the and sometimes the ob- references tenore', in- Tosca, and main characters. individual principle veristic of the pain- in Puccini's Vittoria! lengthen own words, ' of Act II or his prophetic statement in Act I: 'La vita mi costasse, vi salvert! ', hitting A generous aesthete rather on the B natural above the stave. Cavaradossi dies gracefully, 'con scethan a committed 'volterriano', Rome is 'heard' in the nica scienza', contemplating his dream of love. introduction 'veristic' of Act III with the Shepherd's song and the Matin bells, but even the Eternal City is under the spell of the perverse Baron Scarpia as Tosca tells us after stabbing him to death ('E avanti The whole opera hinges on these two perAll the female figures: the the antagonist. male protagonist, vasive BonaAngelotti, the of the the news prisoner political escape of rest, in is instrumental Marengo, battle the setting of parte's victory at a lui tremava tutta Roma!'). 17 the melodramatic clockwork in motion. The preconception about sensationalism and excess as distinctive investigatheir led to has traits concentrate many writers of verismo of musical realism on operas such as Tosca, often reaching oppohave tried denigrators In the this case, particular site conclusions. hard to coin sensational abuse (Kerman); the supporters have overstated tion In his character of the opera's undisputed 'verismo'. Cambridge Opera Handbook, Carner defined Tosca as 'the opera prophetic (p. 9). of the modern music-theatre' the innovatory Musical realism suitable representative: not with a bang like as 'low-life' in these La Boheme (1896). Tosca, discussing seen in Puccini's ers of doubtful Mimi dies La Boheme, which virtue brings on to the stage' with a whimper, the recurrence Carner mentions in veristic operas, 'Pre-veristic opera already shows this characters terms: but opera as a quieter as 'pre- the opera qualifies and apparently In the Tosca Handbook, veristic'. Puccini has an earlier of artists La Boheme best tendency, poor artists with (p. 9). Classifying lov- their as 'pre- veristic' an opera completed in 1895 seems to dispose of the notion of 1890 as the Anno Domini for 'operatic unless it is targeted verismo', on Puccini's own progress towards the 'verismo' of Tosca, which is just La Boheme does not lead to Tosca but to the 'roman Louise (1900) by Gustave Charpentier, bein which the milieu musical' than the individual comes more important characters and the big city as questionable. (Paris) noises. is 18 a real musical presence with all its variegated voices and The affinity with opera comique for its blend of pathos and humour and the sugar-laden sentimentalism make La Boheme a late-romantic opera with some of the youthful irreverence and exuberance of the Milanese 'Scapigliatura' which Puccini, Illica and Giacosa had personalThe connection between the ly experienced in their earlier years. French 'bohemiens' and the Milanese 'scapigliati' by Felice Cameroni in his preface to the Italian had been stressed translation of Mur- ger's Scenes de la vie de Bohemepublished by Sonzogno with the title La Boheme: scene della scapigliatura parigina (Milano, 1872). La Bolibretin the heme is not, strictly speaking, a veristic opera either to or in its certain social musical treatment. (chilly winter ambience background (poor artists Yet, the careful in a big city), and room-mates), 18 illustration the delineation the low profile of a of a of and the avoidance the characters tic display able rative they of the romantic 'operatic broke the continuity in traditional (relationship daily routine, of the dramatic The reduction operas. Mimi/Rodolfo the poetry the conversation style, true and his each of the four within role' no less and violent Puccini verismo'. dimension 'melodramma' feelings of passionate 'big likely, the bohemian life to- point of the fashion- gestures introduced build-up of the plot a nar- and, in so doing, tableaux, which was still to one basic used situation + poor health of small of Mimi), the lyricism of the (e. g., Mimi's pink bonnet), things the opera a realistic to life, the bohemian life and girls all than from the empha- librettists give artists logic, La Boheme moves away from the heroism conception. wards a new operatic and idealism of the in Milan make those character, in Paris, or, more or Turin. In conclusion, the advent of realism in the musical theatre is best understood as the development of new musico-dramatic structures and a new vocal style which marked a radical departure from the styliItalian zation of nineteenth-century derived from contemporary literature, The choice of subjects possibly dealing with low-life opera. does not in itself stories, make one opera more realistic Nor can an opera be identified because it as 'veristic' Too often assumed as typifying cess and sensationalism. than another. exhibits ex- verismo, such do, in fact, belong to a minor genre which originated characteristics from Mascagni's prototype and can conventionally be defined as 'operatic verismo'. This genre had little bearing on the evolution of late nineteenth-century Italian opera and slowly petered out in the early Leoncavallo's years of our century. Pagliacci is the only survivor of the numerous offspring of Cavalleria. The influence of literary verismo - exercised through'theatriin the pithiness of cal more than narrative works - manifested itself dialogue, the more realistic language often enriched by vernacular interpolations, simple and fast-moving stage actions, background in dramatic characterization, a new relevance emphasis on the of the social importance of acting skills along with good singing in performance. The term 'verismo' may well be used with reference to the new School - for operas based on realistic style of the Young Italian subjects or simply exhibiting vided no undue connection that name. realistic is implied 19 musico-dramatic with the literary features - pro- movement of 2. and its subjects unequalled a strong with and folkloric customs South, Sicily life of Italy's peculiarities and Sardinia inherent ness and sensationalism, irreversible trend those with popularity 19 in Germany. particularly in the veristic plebeian a tremendous enjoyed of meretricious gatherings in village became an theatre, but also jealousy rural picturesque- in Italy were quickly squares, into This source with ingredients: the by mediocre comregions melodramas. not only In the absence of a literary the libretti of Verga's Cavalleria, ful poorer - were eagerly exploited The tendency to lapse and shrewd versifiers. posers sorts Many operas were and are today more a subject for The than for musical analysis. studies and statistical veristic characterization. regional composed which had an ephemeral sociological for a fashion started success Cavalleria caused by Mascagni's 1890s the sensation In the early Rusticana Rusticana of Mascagni's Cavalleria The offspring the artistic minor genre abroad, qualities assembled with and contrasted surroundings love, all joy- or urban derelict Violent death was an obareas, superstitions, curses and swear-words. ligatory device to round off a story with an effective coup de theatre. Knives were by far the most popular weapon, but there was also the ocSilvano). Some librettists casional to sophgun (Mascagni's resorted isticated forms of suicide such as asphyxia from coal fumes (Samara's La martire) or from the smoke of a hay-barn set on fire (Floridia's Maruzza). From a sociological point of view, these operas were nothing more than consumer products for middle-class audiences whose conservatism was clearly mirrored in the portrayal of peasants and workers indulging in individualistic vendettas but quite harmless in social and political terms. A tribal sensitivity and no class-consciousness made up the most exciting operatic peasant. Regional costumes, idioms and 1890s In the the the enhanced picture. witreal world, words slang in heavy-handed mainly social and repression, unrest nessed growing SoIn 1892 the Italian the 'Mezzogiorno' but also in Northern Italy. 1894 'Sici1892 the founded in Genoa. Between Party and was cialist lian Fasci' developed into an organized working-class movement which heavy hundreds sentences. and of arrests with repressed ruthlessly was In Milan, in May 1898, popular protest for the high price of bread was 20 by troops crushed hint ches de vie' operas of those years romantic geance. The different together with a veneer of modernity. themes of passionate guise love, in fact, betrayal variand ven- of the new 'heroes', ingredients, have invented musicologists The 'tran- classes. were, and is never the there language and the hybrid and folkloric environmental Some Italian in the lower in the libretti, as pretexts adopted on the old ations hundreds discontent at social of demonstrators and killing In the veristic passers-by. slightest shooting gave these humorous definitions operas for look-alikes: the 'aesthetics such a noisy pack of Cavalleria of the (Rubens Tedeschi); knife' 'the melodrama of depressed areas' (Rodolfo 20 Celletti). One could chart the problem areas of post-Risorgimento Italy by simply grouping these operas according to their setregional tings. The list, far from being exhaustive, to the decade and limited 1890-1900, would read as follows: SICILY: Frontini, (1894); Bimboni, Un mafioso NAPLES: Floridia, Santuzza (1895); Maruzza Mineo, (1896). CALABRIA: Leoncavallo, PUGLIA: (1893); Malia Pagliacci (1892). Mascagni, Silvano. (1895). Giordano, Mala Vita (1892); Tasca, A Santa Lucia (1892); Spinelli, A Basso Porto (1894); Sebastiani, A San Francisco (1896). ABRUZZO: De Nardis, TUSCANY: Luporini, Stella (1899). La collana di Pasqua (1896), dealing with coal-miners. SARDINIA: Cellini, Vendetta sarda (1895). A few more operas might be added dealing with particular themes rather than exhibiting a specific regional characterization: (1892), set in the bush around FrosinoCilea's Tilda Francesco (halfway between Rome and Naples) and dealing ne in Ciociaria with brigands and French troops at the end of the eighteenth century but with a clear reference to a contemporary problem. In the aftermath of the Risorgimento, the new Italian state had to cope with widespread brigandage in the South. The problem was tackled with heavy-handed repression by the army. 21 Carmen: in has with common something of the opera The plot hide-out to the one of the smugglers' is a sensuous na di strada') in the mountains; Tilda gipsy. (1896; Stellina trice' (an ironer), environment. of the score. room where Stellina, receives operaio', and surrenders Gastaldon was also to his which marked a false (see Ch. 2). free a in The setting renewed passionate Rusticana, start 'L'azione Luigi, the composer of the very Cavalleria with is 'stira- a twenty-year-old her boyfriend 1905 until not performed in one act dealing lirica' in an urban working-class Italia' is the vague indication little of Bizet's love a tidy e canteri- and has a couple who dances two Saltarelli Gastaldon's Stanislao in Florence), a 'novella on Verga's similar ('saltatrice streetsinger and wilful songs like popular in the wood is headquarters the scene of the brigands' 'giovane a advances. first opera based namely Mala Pasqua! (1890), in the history of operatic verismo (1895), Smareglia's Antonio in Istriane Nozze the set village of Dignano in Istria, a problem area because of its position at ethnic 1Y and political crossroads between Yugoslavia and Ita- As for the music of these operas, popular songs accompanied by guitars and mandolines, tarantelle and saltarelli or other local dances, drinking songs, litanies hymns, were inserted on the slighand religious The vocal style and the musico-dramatic structures had test pretext. three major references: the scrap-yard of the dismantled romantic melodrama, the contemporary 'verisit^' School and style of the Young Italian The third stylistic the drawing-room song style. reference, the 'romanItaly and was a popular genre in late nineteenth-century za da salotto', had its such as Francesco Paolo Tosti (1846-1916), but by operatic composers. Sentimentalism and langit was also cultivated uor, a mild sensualism and a melancholy pose borrowed from contemporary decadentism, characterized the texts which were set to plaintive melodies own specialists The the pleasure of dreamy young ladies and their patient suitors. has a good second most famous veristic opera, Leoncavallo's Pagliacci, hybrids. The composer-librettist gave the unexample of such stylistic for Silvio, in the love duet with Nedda (I, 3), a piece in couth villager the style of a 'romanza' both for the words and the music. Over 'mur- muring' semiquavers, voluttuosamente', him only to leave him with mezza voce, ed' ardent Ex. 1- melody 'sempre a a graceful has 'bewitchthat the girl complaining the baritone sings memories of (Ex. 1): spasms of voluptuousness' Leoncavallo, I, Pagliacci, ) Andante appassionato. (i.: s+. to trying (lovingly, and 'warm kisses' given 'amid 3 semfýss a mezzo voce, voluluosamenle move her) ý 8 hast Why E al lor - Andante appassionato. (:.. a+) p" e lrgrile'ssiýno semýse . thoutaught ýet chä, me_ di,'..:: " 's 1 ýý h ---= ýýý S loves I'm do Ii if, ma_gie stor w'Aui slre. ga =i i la to _ -1 $e leave thou wilt la : sciga auoi _ 02 - C79-P Zo is no exception as regards the mixture of compositionoperas. registers, commonto most veristic al styles and linguistic Echoes from contemporary literature can be found in many of them. At the very end of Pagliacci Leoncavallo thought it appropriate to show Pagliacci Sicilian by borrowing Verga's his typical most cultural awareness off 'Santo diavolone! ', to give an unmistakably veristic mark to oath, 23 me Mai Silvio's steps last to defend forward he exclaims: erary noticeable Decadent After an affair man. The 'dishonoured' fire with to the hay-barn his beloved diavolo! 'Santo echo is Floridia). As the Calabrian line. Fa davvero... ingredients a peasant peasant killing lures herself His words might into a veristic marries lit- a rich story. wo- the man to her house and sets Before the catastrowith him. how her memory haunts in D'Annunzio's remarkable words and music by Pietro a landowner girl, love Giorgio Another are inserted the girl bid fantasies ' in Maruzza (1894, phe, the man tells to his wife. peasant draws his knife and Nedda from the enraged Canio, well express him when he makes Andrea Sperelli's mor- I1 piacere: E' strano! Mi perseguita al suo fianco 1'imagine di te... Non solo! Ascoltami! (molto sommesso, come sognando) Al mio seno stringendola ho tentato, illudendomi, pensar te stessa stringere... Ed ho chiuso le palpebre, mentre il labbro a reprimere il tuo nome sforzavasi! Apart from Leoncavallo's Pagliacci, which has survived, and Gior- dano's Mala Vita, wnich might be worth reviving, most other veristic operas were written by obscure musicians who, in their own time, made a good career as conductors in opera houses in Italy and abroad (PieOreste Bimboni) or as song writers (Stanislao Gastaldon, tro Floridia, Francesco Paolo Frontini). An illustrious name should be added to the list as in the 1890s the veristic trend in the musical theatre won ocJules Massenet with La Navarcasional proselytes also outside Italy: (1894; libretto by Jules Claretie and Henri Cain). raise The inspiring in two acts was the muse of the 'Episode lyrique' soprano EmmaCalve, the great veristic singer mentioned above (par. 1), She who could join vocal resources with unusually good acting skills. Suzel in Mascagni's L'Amico Fritz (1891) and sang Sanwas the first tuzza in the premiere of Cavalleria Rusticana at the Opera-Comique on 19 January 1892. The libretto of La Navarraise was derived from a La Cigarette, story by Jules Claretie, set in Spain during the Carlist war of 1874. In order to create a main role for Miss Calve, the 24 kilBasque instead the peasant of a story was reversed: of situation to get a reward and marry his girlling the leader of the Carlists Navarraise'), friend, the opera has a peasant woman, Anita ('la who the enemy lines steals through caraga in order to let Araquil she finds goes mad. Two irreconcilable lyricism only The short cognac and bubbling vintage much like any Mascagnian gun-fire (Ex. 2): underlines Ex. 2- big ; bit plaintive l* - could of cocktail is difference at the beginning statement ---- an unpleasant The only tune. the first is and she The loud motto-theme lambrusco. Massenet, La Navarraise, a.......................?i opera of the He dies Massenet's calligraphic, 'verismo' rough-hewn, full-blooded a hybrid. demands the money, with styles and Mascagni's produce returns wounded by the Carlists. mortally The amount a young sergeant But when Anita in Biscay. stationed regiment son Araquil, his Zuc- captain of the dowry Remigio the same as that her marry their 'douros'. of two thousand to get a reward happens to be exactly from Anita and kills at night is very heavy that of the opera I --..... ---------------------------------+' -- do. -i ji ---... :ý "ý ý fff bo- P.d. 'a Pwl. f Ae-7-ý a; ý g --------------------------=ý' a I In the lyrical passages, the Basque peasant woman sings in the idiom of Manon. The most remarkable piece is the love duet Anita/Araquil in Act I, of which Ex. 3A reproduces the opening motive and Ex. 3B a lovely phrase of Anita's: 25 Ex. 3A - Massenet, La Navarraise, I Allegro. AH.11)1:1L. J A (avou dial. ur wt brandu rapru.o-iou) 92_J q'.'- J." Allegro. llCll. aJl* lUl, IlU'71 FI'JU1PC J. tllllý FZ-= ý_ A " "i A!% /ýu. -. rýýý .- " pulpiluill -- L. f, 0--4, ýs -lr cl bicit r/auik: -- c -W ýýr _.ý f ". " -' I? - -- ffr* Ex. 3B - Massenet, La Navarraise, ANITA. (U'iý erre*Mnl) p_ Love unu lcndre%*a iufini. ý) A. liultu Va. quill ,1. piu leutu. luis. ru - wui lua 3tlull Jý r_ Ný I U) t ti_ I. 1" I ill Io, Pcr. tucr hUUli ula Id .. I ý t, 26 Iru, Coll- %eu\ was first performed at Covent Garden on 20 June 1894 with EmmaCalve in the title G.B. Shaw wrote a humorous role. review of the successful performance describing the impressive noise La Navarraise of the opening 'symphonie descriptive' as follows: The inhabitants of Covent Garden and the neighbourhood by a most tremendous cannonade. It was were startled As one who has relievthe beginning of La Navarraise;... by the amuseed the serious work of musical criticism I can testify to the great ment of dramatic authorship, difficulty of getting artillery and musketry fire of really good tone for stage purposes; and I can compliment Sir Augustus Harris unreservedly on the thundering amplitude of sound an5lvigorous attack of his almost smokeless explosives. Shaw then praised who cleverly the expressive and dramatic acting of EmmaCalve exploited the situations of the role tailor-made for her, and concluded: As to the work itself, there is hardly anything to be said in face of the frankness with which Massenet has He has not composed an omodelled it on Cavalleria. pera: he has made up a prescription. In October 1895 La Navarraise made its French debut at the Theatre de l'Opera-Comique and was reviewed by Camille Bellaigue in the Revue des Deux Mondes (15 October 1895). Like Shaw, the French critic pointed out that, though it was the work of a 'maitre', the opera could only be ranked among the poor imitations the work of an of Cavalleria, 'ouvrier', but with stylistic consistency and genuine artistic vitality: A peine ebauchee, et par la main d'un ouvrier, non d'un maitre; oeuvre d'instinct plutot, qu'oeuvre d'art, eile etait du peuple, mais eile etait vivante. Qu'elle semble pale, la Navarraise, aupres de sa soeur de Sicile! Yet, French chauvinistic critics would not admit Massenet's failRaymond Bouyer, writing on "Pie- ure in tackling an uncongenial genre. Musicale" in the Revue Politigue tro Mascagni et la Jeune Italie et Lit(28 January 1905), commented on reciprocal influences and quoteraire ted La Navarraise and Sapho (also composed by Massenet for EmmaCalve): Par un tre's curieux choc de retour, 27 la violence de Mascagni n'a pas laissd que de sdduire la souplesse de Massenet: la Sapho du maitre frangais pourrait t4moigner; et sa Navarraise... aparaissait commeune Cavalleria espanöla, volontairement decoupee sur le patron mascagniste, mais ä 1'original! superieure combien musicalement A survey of the of Cavalleria imitations later Rusticana would At the end of the line, not add much to what has already been said. melodrama and at the lowest level of the genre, we find a distasteful I kitsch in the theatre: the musical of quintessence which represents (1911) libretto by Carby Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari; della Madonna gioielli It was the last of a series of lo Zangarini and Enrico Golisciani. 'postcard operas' and extremely ta Lucia all exploiting successful the trite Its in Germany. and A Basso Porto commonplaces about Naples direct in Chapter discussed precedents were A San4. I gioielli della performed in German at the Kurfürstenoper of Berlin In a few months it was presented to enthusiastic on 23 December 1911. Opera, audiences in Chicago (16 January 1912), New York (Metropolitan Madonna was first 5 March 1912, with Toscanini conducting the orchestra and Wolf-Ferrari as guest of honour), and in London (Covent Garden, 30 May 1912). The picturesqueness and sensationalism of the genre were pushed to their extreme limits by the inclusion of all possible ingredients the morbid curiosity which might titillate of an audience: spaghettieaters, 'morra' players, ragged urchins Piedigrotta instruments ('zerre-zerre', playing trumpets and other 'triccabalacche'), street'e giardino! '), a religious proces- ('A pizza caudal', 'Sciure fireworks and folkloric sion accompanied by ritualistic (a sort of clown shouting and miming witty zariello' cries music, a 'Pazadvertisements of local rists shops and products) with his scratch band, a gang of camor('guaglione della mala vita'), and their extrovert girlfriends assorted songs and dances. A ludicrous and feeble from that story unfolds with difficulty The blacksmith Gennaro loves Maliella; load of garish trappings. she The camorra boss Rafaele fancies does not reciprocate his feelings. the girl and Maliella falls for him. The camorrist boasts that he would even steal the jewels from the statue of the Madonna to please her. The desperate Gennaro actually does so; the moment Maliella wears the shiny junk she is seized by an erotic frenzy and the two make love on the spot. Loud bells announce the sacrilegious 28 theft. fear they may be accused and abandon their hide-out. The camorrists in despair, in the sea and the wretMaliella, rushes to drown herself by shame and remorse, ched Gennaro, overwhelmed of a painting of the Madonna. The most disturbing light-hearted also dealing camorrists with as a bunch of despicable presented just Madonna, violence ness and a sinister and intimidation charm which induces to the camorrist's knife in front himself is the sympathetic, and their 'values'. In and women, the gang is thugs. In I gioielli are accompanied There is no shade of irony cence. in the opera of the camorrists presentation A Basso Porto, cated ingredient stabs indulgence by self-righteousand almost or humour in the coarse by one of the girls della of acquies- song dedi- 'mala vita' in Act III: Concetta del camorrista, Viva it coltel e di conquista, segnal d'assalto e del valore the insegna e impone colla ragione! Chi pub sperar con not lottar? in coro Strilliamo la forza a it sole del mondo inter! Tutti al macel i cor d'agnel! Noi sempre siam the in cima andiam! The camorrists' in Act I, consists strength, Rafaele states explicitly in being above the law: 'Sal la osiamo tutto se not vogliamo! mia forza? La legge non citocca! ' At the end of the opera, a chorus of camorrists comments on the outrageous theft of the jewels: Sacrilegio! Noi siamo gente onorata! Noi la bella Madonna rispettiamo! Viva sempre Maria! (Rafaele e camorristi si sberrettano superstiziosamente devoti) Their sense of outrage is easily shared by a superstitious and bigotin the isolation results which of the blasphemous, workaudience, ed ing-class Gennaro as the only villain His suicide is a of the story. necessary atonement. The opera contains more noise than music, and the sheer number dwarfs the few lyrical ingredients 'veristic' episodes in each of of The London premiere of I gioielli della Madonna rethe three acts. (31 Times The May 1912) in long review expressing appreciaceived a 29 tion tion, for the performance: and it was well comments on the plot 'On the whole it cheered by the large and music could was an admirable audience'. produc- The specific but expose the basic flimsi- ness of the opera: It stakes everything on the capacity to make it all seem true, from the festival antics of the Neapolitan crowd to the contrasted characters of the chief personages. So during large parts of the first act the music is literally crowded out in order to make real the shouts of the people, the whistles and drums and bands playing in different keys... When at last we do get to the music which belongs to the essentials of the drama and not to its trimmings, it is disappointing. I gioielli della Madonna was recently revived at the Wexford Festival (October 1981). For Elizabeth Forbes who reviewed it in Opera (January 1982), this squalid farce exhibits the 'verismo' pioneered by Mascagni in Cavalleria gredients... of sex and religion based on the 'staple inin proportions of about three to one. ' Rusticana, 30 Chapter 2 THE VERISMO OF CAVALLERIA RUSTICANA 1. From Verga's "Scene popolari" to Mascagni's opera Giovanni Verga's "Scene popolari in un atto" Cavalleria Rusticana (1884) marked a turning point in the theatre of post-Unity Italy for the originality of the subject-matter and the innovatory dramatic of the work. With Verga's Sicilian peasants, an entirely time new world with its ethics and customs was displayed for the first on the stage. The village square replaced the bourgeois drawing-room conception A well-defined of the comedies of P. Ferrari and A. Torelli. social background for the behaviour of the context provided the ideological the final resort to violence. characters and justified Apart from the environment and the characters, the novelty of the play was in the technique of close-knit dialogues and clear-cut scenes strung together by a tense rhythm leading quickly and effecNo less importance had the language, detively to the catastrophe. vised as a means of self-characterization and instant localization of and social behaviour. moral attitudes The work was the dramatization of a short story from the collection Vita dei Campi (1880), based on discarded material from an early 1 draft of Verga's novel I Malavoglia (1881). In rewriting Cavalleria for the stage, the novelist kept most of the original features of the story, but he eliminated the economic motivations for the behaviour of Turiddu and Lola, and expanded the role of Santa, making her the 'dishonoured' and jealous girl desperately in love with an unscrupulous young man. Verga also upgraded Turiddu's mother, Nunzia, turning her into the owner of a tavern. In the short story, while Turiddu is away in the army, his mother has to sell their mule and a little vineyard, with the result that they are very poor. Lola, formerly engaged to Turiddu, marries Alfio who owns four mules, has a good job serving dresses for her. Turiddu enand can buy golden rings and beautiful vies Alfio's wealth and tries his luck courting Santa whose father is house. However, the girl is a. rich man and lives opposite Alfio's soon forgotten when Lola, hurt in her pride, opens her door to her 31 former fiance. body else's In the end Turiddu is punished for trespassing on some(Alfio's woman) and his last thought is for his property He is poor old mother. a loser in economic Verghian characters; the handful into eyes before striking his Alfio of dust the fatal like terms, many other treacherously blow is just throws as much as Turiddu is worth. By developing his story, Sicilian, exotic Verga intended bourgeois impact it of a betrayed although chances of success. to a non- more acceptable husband. of his with friend Even so, In a letter and sceptical who trig- about French pecuits Giuseppe Gia- and unfailing to his in an the structural and playwright enthusiasm set a seduced girl of his work made Verga apprehensive on the public, the economic theme of became a case of adultery, the complication cosa welcomed the experiment in its than rather to make the play audience: with environment, gers the revenge liarities the sentimental confidence translator Edouard Rod, written from Turin a few days before Cavalleria his faith formed, Verga voiced his anxiety while reaffirming was perin his art: di commedia, chiamiamola La mia commedia (tentativo fa in e che a pugni arrischiatissimo un genere meglio, inosservata del passer! attuale pubblico) gusto col le in Italia, spalle come a ei alzeranno piü anche di E' pubblicare che prima sbagliata. vero un'idea le novelle di Vita dei Campi nello stesso genere e di sperimentare la prima volta lo stesso metodo artistico io ebbi le stesse esitain un altro campo letterario il le successo che poi apprensioni medesime e zioni smenti; .... Basta, vedremo quel che sarl, sar! una il 5i soltanto affermare a me preme certo; caduta genere. Arrigo Boito, one of Verga's closest friends in Milan, and had expressed their scepticism after a Emilio Treves, his publisher, his had Cesare by to test the play; so author arranged session reading Rossi, the actor-manager of the company Giacosa had contacted in order Fortunately, Eleonora Duse, a to have the play performed in Turin. shared Giacosa's member of the company and the best actress in Italy, in convincing Rossi to stage the play. enthusiasm and was instrumental However, Rossi would not risk the expenses for costumes and setting, which were met by Verga, and would only act in the minor role of Zio Brasi, leaving Turiddu to be played by Flavio Andb coupled with Eleo- 32 nora Duse's Santuzza. In an article in the Gazzetta Piemontese, the day before written 14 January 1884), Giacosa stressed the the premiere (Teatro Carignano, importance of the event was to expect fare It di piü, ma, forse, of Emile Sicilian Treves against nel fare all Cavalleria del Verga non consiste nel fare and together Verga received abreast the public of novelty di meno, certo the odds, and Cesare Rossi, Zola who was keeping 'confrere'. From Turin, the kind 'La novitä from the play: was a success of Boito, and explained of the Rusticana started diversamente. ' the apologies the congratulations latest its with nel venture of his successful tour of to the new 'genere' the major Italian cities winning over proselytes in the country: not only, as could be Verga was so keen to establish expected, did Capuana, De Roberto, Di Giacomo follow in Verga's foot- steps, but Giacosa himself, Northern and bourgeois as he was, somewhat departed from his usual style and, with L'Onorevole Ercole Mallardi (1884), Tristi Amori (1887) and other plays, experimented with his own brand of verismo tinged with sentimentalism which would characterize his contributions (1896). to some libretti for Puccini, e. g. La Boheme less than a month A special recruit was to be made by Cavalleria appeared in Milan, at the Teatro after the Turin premiere when it first Manzoni, on 11 February 1884: a 21-year-old, obscure musician, Pietro Mascagni. But neither at that time nor five years later - when the composer started his work on the libretto the structural and linguistic peculiarities choice of Cavalleria was not even entirely he fully could appreciate The actual of the play. his own. In July 1888, Il the publisher Edoardo Sonzogno advertised in his own periodicals Teatro Illustrato and La Musica Popolare his second Competition for a composer aged not more than one-act opera to be written by an Italian 1889. May After a series of adventurous be by to submitted and tours as the conductor of an operetta company, Mascagni had ended up in Cerignola, a small agricultural town in Puglia, where he was liv- thirty ing in hopeless misery, giving music lessons and entertaining the loHis youthful dreams of success and glory were concencal opera fans. trated on the composition of a four-act romantic melodrama, Guglielmo Ratcliff, Maffei. a tragedy by Heinrich Heine translated and adapted by Andrea It was a project he would never be able to realize unless he 33 first made a name for himself with something more of all, until he got himself out of Cerignola and 3 So, having decided to run for the top of opera. Competition, his first problem was to get hold of feasible and, most back into the world prize of the Sonzogno a suitable libretto, possibly free of charge. There was only one person, Mascagni reckoned, he could turn to for help: his Livornese friend Giovanni TargioniTozzetti, to whom he suggested the adaptation of a short story by the Calabrian writer Nicola Misasi. Targioni-Tozzetti started working on that but, shortly afterwards, he went to see a performance of Verga's Cavalleria and immediately relayed his enthusiasm to his friend in Cerignola. On 14 December 1888, Mascagni wrote back: Era inutile the mi scrivessi, essendomi rimesso completaFa quello the vuoi... La Cavalleria Rustimente in te. cana era giä nei miei progetti da quando si esegui per la 4 Milano... prima volta a In the five following months, Mascagni composed and orchestrated exchange of letters and postcards took his opera while a feverish place between Livorno and Cerignola: down came bits of the libretto and up went Mascagni's objections and produced by Targioni-Tozzetti It all worked out delirious outbursts of gratitude and optimism. very well in the end. passioned, emotional However, the composer's enthusiasm, his imadherence to Verga's story, did not entirely of a longsupersede a sense of expediency, of painful renunciation harsh Such in face the the necessities of life. of project cherished is the mood of a long and curiously apologetic letter Mascagni wrote Gianfranceto his closest friend in Livorno, Vittorio on 7 March 1889, when he was about to finish his opera. Cavalis only a drowning man's straw; his heart is still with Ratcliff: from Cerignola schi, leria Io poi abbandonai malauguratamente Milano e... continuai ad immaginare il mio Guglielmo; ... Il mio Ratcliff era per me una necessitä, una fede!... Forse la fiamma della mia fede si e spenta?!... No! Ma adesso abbandono 1'idea del Ratcliff Cos'e Togliermi di che urge adesso? .... qua! Potrö ottenere la mia resurrezione con Guglielmo? No! Dunque?... 1'idea di tentare un nuovo lavoro, a poco a poco si radicö in me; ma attendevo sempre un'occasione Oggi quest'occasione c'e: il concorso Sonzogno propizia. Hai fede nei concorsi? Io inper un'opera in un atto. tanto lavoro alla mia Cavalleria,... sono un naufrago e E se riuscissi credo che ogni molecola sia una tagola. Ah! il mio Ratcliff! vincitore? 34 Clearly, motivations or innovatory aspirations were to set Cavalleria. The play stirred his no aesthetic behind Mascagni's decision imagination, suited his purpose and was also recommended by his libAs to Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti, he had no previous experettist. rience as a librettist, and, with Mascagni pressing unrelentingly from Cerignola, he decided he needed help; so a third young Livornese with literary their collaboration joined ambitions in: Guido Menasci. On the whole, from a purely produced a very good libretto, operatic point of view; but a comparative analysis of the play and the new text shows, beyond an apparent structural similarity, serious distortions of the sociological and ethical characteristics of the story, and hybrid combinations of linguistic registers rowed from contemporary poetry or the melodramatic tradition. bor- original Verga's two choral is organized play The action scenes. which do not modify up tension provide the dynamic thrust: Turiddu (scenes the antecedents Two shorter dialogues in dramatic psychological (scene Lola/Turiddu the function 7). the third (scene The first and provoking This purely Alfio dialogical to challenge his but build 3), exposes the confrontation shows the challenge. (scene Alfio/Santuzza 5) - have respectively heightening of the confrontation which mounts to Santuzza's curse te! ', confrontations positions the second contains her seducer; encompassed by Three main dialogues (scene 1); Santuzza/ Nunzia/Santuzza Turiddu/Alfio with of duets in the catastrophe. of the story; of the seduced girl consists the characters' to be released 2-4); as a series wife's the tension 'Mala of Pasqua a lover. is put under pressure by an external and objective circumstance over which the characters have no control and must reckon with in timing their actions and working out their response to what is being said: it is Easter day. That structure seems to be everybody's main concern: it is time for Mass, for cleansing one's own conscience, it is time for rejoicing and celebrating In Scene 1, the longest in the play, Verga creates a vast, together. choral movement using all his minor characters (Zio Brasi, the stableman, Camilla, his wife, Zia Filomena, a neighbour, Pippuzza, a woman in the dialogue between Nunzia and Santuzselling eggs) to interfere towards the special significance za and divert attention of the day. Alfio's first entry is also used to this purpose. His arrival wine from Nunzia for the Easter lunch. 35 He drops in to buy prevents Santuzza from answering a crucial past few hours: Gnä Nunzia Compar Alfio Compar Alfio seems to answer that remark So, when Santuzza our curiosity. misery to Gnä Nunzia, she says. It beginning, we realize movements in the Dunque lo sai dov'e stato Turiddu? (dalla prima stradicciuola a destra, con un fiasco in mano). Che ne avete ancora di quello buono da sei soldi, Gnä Nunzia? Vado a vedere. Turiddu doveva portarne oggi da Francofonte. e ancgra qui. Vostro figlio L'ho visto stamattina... Gnä Nunzia Alfio's about Turiddu's question question, is at last we are eager to take long is the only that allowed every increases to pour out her single speech of the play, the protagonist it and yet word of what and, from the very is no longer the 'defeated' young man of the short story but Santuzza, the seduced and abandoned for It was Giacosa who advised Verga to provide a 'gran parte' girl. The speech in Eleonora Duse as a guarantee of success for the play. desperate confession 1 and Santuzza's (sc. 5) gave Duse good opportunities exit sc. Mascagni capitalized GemmaBellincioni, on the melodramatic the first the Duse of the musical operatic to Alfio before her final to show her dramatic potential Santuzza, of the role was rightly talent. and seen as theatre. The emotional climax of Scene 1 is immediately cooled down by Gnä Nunzia: she does not want to be late for the 'funzioni sacre' and makes for the church, soon followed by Zio Brasi who has time to tease Santuzza for her unusual reluctance to go to Mass. The loose texture of the prinscene allows for the quick characterization of the first Alfio, for example, in just a few cipals as well as the minor roles. lines, impresses us as the 'man of honour', the discreet and stern believer in an unwritten code of conduct which empowers a wronged into his own hands with no need of intermediaries. man to take justice Characteristically, in all his language is elementary and straight circumstances, except when his honour is challenged: then, he resorts 7 to the use of metaphors and innuendoes in a mafioso style. Compare, for example, his down-to-earth answer to Comare Camilla with the one to Zia Filomena who insinuates that Alfio is far too often away from home for his young wife: 36 Comare Camilla (a Compar Aifio) E vostra moglie, che vi vede soltanto a Pasqua ea Natale, cosa dice? Compar Alfio Io non lo so cosa dice. Questo e il mio mestiere, comare Camilla. Il mio mestiere e di fare il vetturale e di andare sempre in viaggio di qua e di lä. Zia Filomena Non e bello quello che avete detto, compar Alfio; che avete la moglie giovane. Compar Alfio Mia moglie sa che la berretta la porto a modo mio; (battendo sulla tasca del petto) e qui ci porto il giudizio per mia moglie, e per gli (Due carabinieri in altri anche. tenuta escono dalla caserma e si allontanano pel viale della chiesa) I miei interessi me li guardo io, da me, senza bisogno di quelli del E in paese tutti lo pennacchio. sanno, grazie a Dio! The presence of the 'carabinieri', in their uniforms complete with 8 Alfio's disparplume, acquires a special relevance in the context. del pennacchio' is tacitly aging reference to them as 'quelli endorsed by the other villagers as they accept his omertä or manliness: Alfio's (symbolized by the knife he carries in his breast pocket) own justice is set against the personification of law and order established by the Later on, in Sc. 7, after the formal ritual state. new Italian of the challenge with the kiss and the bite on the ear-lobe, Alfio speaks with the authority of the man of honour when he says: Forte avete fatto, compare Turiddu... parola di giovane d'onore. Confronted with his natural judge, fights for Santuzza's sake: Sentite, compar Alfio, Questa si chiama Turiddu pleads guilty and then come e vero Dio so che ho torto... His killing is accepted by the villagers as the right punishment for having infringed the commonlaw which defends the family as the nucleus of society and condemns adultery 37 as a threat to its integrity. The mafioso component in the psychology of Alfio and Turiddu is explito Menotti Bianchi-Paola, dated citly mentioned by Verga in a letter 14 June 1886: Compar Alfio Rusticana e Turiddu della mia Cavalleria non sono mafiosi, ma uomini che seguono le leggi della mafia, quando 1'ira e le passioni parlano, come l'omýrRiflesso di costumi e non indole propria. tä detta. should be borne in mind that the word 'omertä' is not used in the positive modern derogatory sense of connivance but in its originally meaning. Giuseppe Pitre, in his Usi e Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi devotes a chapter to "La mafia e l'omertä", del Popolo Siciliano, and It the second term as 'omineitä, qualitä di essere omu, cioe 10 As to to be likened to the Latin virtus. serio, sodo, forte', Pitre writes: 'mafioso', explains I1 mafioso vuol essere rispettato e rispetta quasi e Se offeso, non ricorre alla Giustizia, sempre. non si rimette alla Legge; se lo facesse, daýýbbe prova di debolezza, e offenderebbe 1'omertä. derived from the play, we As we turn to examine the libretto Scene at immediately realize the complete wreckage of Verga's first the hands of Targioni and Menasci. The haunting sense of the relicoordinated movement of well indivand the skilfully gious festivity Of course, Mascagni does manage to are lost. villagers suggest the festive atmosphere in musical terms, opening with resounding church bells and adding, later on, organ music and Latin songs. But these devices tend to remain exterior they do not and decorative; idualized In fact, Gnä Nunzia's neighbours are permeate the people on stage. peasants gone. Their place has been taken by a Chorus of blissful who are made to sing an incongruous, anodyne 'canto the i palpiti 'mirti in fior', raddoppia al cor', embellished with 'augelli', 'spighe From the crude dialect of opre'. the opening "Siciliana" folkloric is token sort of of what about -a to unravel on stage - we move back into the world of Arcadia, where This expression was lifted womenmay well be 'belle occhi-di-sole'. from a poem by Severino Ferrari, a follower of the Carduccian school. In its original the shining context, the charming image qualifies d'oro', eyes of little 'spole', girls 'rustiche listening to a fable 38 told by their grandmother: La nonna fila e dice. Suggon le sue parole 12 i bimbi coloriti, le belle occhi-di-sole. In a veristic libretto, were from the spirit carter, unpretentious braves in the icy winds, and Menasci The bogus peasants dis- of whip and jingles the formerly compar Alfio, among cracks local hero, into metamorphosed rain Targioni of the play. later, minutes to usher cart-bells, shows how far only and style to reappear, perse it of Escamillo, a vociferous who and snow: Soffi il vento gelido cada 1'acqua o nevichi a me che cosa fa? and boasts about his wife's faithfulness: Waspetta a casa Lola che m'ama e mi consola ch'e tutta fedeltä. Turiddu's mother underlines and high spirits such a show of vitality with her comment: Beato'voi, compar Alfio, sempre allegro cosi! ironic The unwittingly 'Mamma Lucia' wine from though no wine is traded as he does with in the opera. a hero's welcome before be explained by the operatic be given only is Alfio's remark light and a chorus of witnesses those preposterous lines which does render might suit well banalized 'rude Alfio's by the trivial the carter's cue for his Gnä Nunzia That the convention on the entry rhythme' segmented song. which response 0 the bel mestiere fare it carrettiere andar di qua e di 11. 39 alshould can demands a spot- a drab, Yet, schematic motive of Compar Alfio. Escamillo's effect of the elated job: in the play of the baritone. for Its to buy transaction, and sombre character et bien request 'carrettiere' such an ordinary prompt from Mascagni the wilful indication Bizet's the Biete couplets is unfortunately peasants praising The lines stem from Alfio's matter-of-fact in the play, Sc. 1 (see above): remark to Comare Camilla I1 mio mestiere e di fare il vetturale sempre in viaggio di qua e di 1ä. e di andare While the 'Alleluja' departs after giving is heard from the church, the noisy intruder to the women: unwanted instructions Io me ne vado, ite voi altre in chiesa. 13 So the character whose psychological, dramatic and linguistic identity was integrally preserved by Verga in working out the play from the into an operatic cliche. novella, is partly disfigured Alfio's last linguistic different line provides registers: a good example of the mixture the colloquial 'me ne vado' of and the 'ite', Linguistic side by side. clashes also occur in (Scene 4), where the veristic romanza account of Turiddu's is interspersed with stilted expressions as in the line: antiquated Santuzza's behaviour Turiddu aveva a Lola eterna fe' and more strikingly giurato in: M'amö, 1'amai. Quell'invida d'ogni delizia del suo sposo dimentica, arse di gelosia.... Me 1'ha rapito. mia, where Verga has: lo seppe lei, quella mala femmina diventö come .... gelosa a morte; e si mise in testa di rubarmelo. Mascagni's librettists 'mala femmina', would not accept the veristic in 'Quell'invida', that ena slut, and found a decorous alternative vious woman; but then, they polished the expression for Santuzza's line in Scene 5: Quella cattiva femmina ti tolse a me. Mascagni found everything fully satisfactory. One of his postcards from Cerignola (17 January 1889) informs Targioni very concisely: 40 Ho ricevuto Impossibile fare ottimamente. meglio. Impossibile indovinare Romanmaggiormente mio gusto. finale Sorza sop. indovinatissima; grande efficacia. 14 forte, tita Giä carrettiere originale. musicata. The four scenes the librettists derived from Verga's Scene 1 if examined with the logic of and well constructed, operatic conventions, as they are in contrast with the verismo of the Apart from the additions and distortions, the elimination play. of are as effective Verga's minor characters - with their proverbs, jokes and digressions to the melodramatization of the main roles and a stiffencontributes ing of the action. The rest of the libretto ing eight scenes of the play: is modelled very closely OPERA PLAY Scene + Nunzia/ 1 villagers Santuzza 2 Santuzza/Turiddu 3 Santuzza/Turiddu 4 Santuzza/Turiddu on the remain- + Lola 5 Alfio/Santuzza Scene 1 Chorus of peasants 2 Lucia/Santuzza 3 Al fio& Chorus 4 Lucia/Santuzza 5 Santuzza/Turiddu 6 Santuzza/Turiddu 7 Santuzza/Turiddu 8 Alfio/Santuzza + Lola Intermezzo 9 6 villagers 7 same + Alfio/Turiddu (Lola) Turiddu/Nunzia 8 9 catastrophe (Lola) Chorus + Turiddu's drinking song 10 same + Alfio/Turiddu 11 Turiddu's farewell to Lucia 12 catastrophe (Santuzza) The dialogues, apart from the obvious compression required by the musical medium, are transposed almost literally; yet, psychologican be found in the duets as well as in the solo cal distortions In Scene 8, the defiant 'carrettiere' pieces. received an extra from the composer himself. Less than two weeks before the premiere of the opera in Rome, Mascagni wrote to his friend in Livorno asking for a few more lines to round off the Alfio/Santuzza brush-stroke duet without too many repetitions of words. Targioni sent two lines for each part, which could be printed only in the second edition of (August 1890). Alfio's lines were: the libretto 41 - No, giusta siete stata io vi condono: in odio tutto 1'amor mio fin!. Mascagni did not like the first Io sangue voglio, one and made up his own endecasillabo: all'ira m'abbandono to be sung 'con forza' over the thumping, syncopated rhythm of the Once more, the logic of the opera which demanded an effecorchestra. before the melodious "Intermezzo", tive 'finale' clashed with the techplay where Alfio, on being told of his wife's outburst of anger and incredulity, after the first unfaithfulness, is seized by a sudden calm, full of menace and cold-blooded determin- nique of the veristic ation: Santuzza Piangere non posso, compar Alfio; e questi occhi non hanno pianto neppure quando hanno visto Turiddu Macca Vonore, che m'ha tolto andare dalla gnä Lola vostra moglie! Compar Alfio His last line, (tornando calmo tutto ad un tratto) Quand'e cos9, va bene, e vi ringrazio, comare. before he goes home to fetch his knife, has a chilling innuendo: Ora, se vedete mia moglie che mi cerca, ditele che il regalo pel suo compare vado a casa a pigliare Turiddu. is the instrument of his. vendetta. where the 'regalo' A good example of thematic modification, from the novella to hybrid in the operatic adaptation, is the play, and of linguistic confession to Alfio before the duel (Scene 7 in the play; Scene 10 in the libretto). In the original short story, Turiddu's Alfio, to kill though he admits his wrongmotivation for fighting Turiddu's doing, is his concern for his old mother: Compar Alfio, Turiddu dopo cominciö che ebbe fatto un pezzo di strada accanto al suo compagno, il quale stava zitto, e col berretto sugli occhi, come e vero Iddio so che ho torto e mi lascierei ammazzare. Ma prima di venir qui ho visto la mia vecchia che si era alzata per vedermi partire, col pretesto di governare il pollaio, quasi il cuore 42 le parlasse, e quant'e vero Iddio vi ammazzerö come un cane per non far piangere la mia vecchierella. Cosi va bene, - rispose compar Alfio, spogliandosi del farsetto due. tutt'e picchieremo sodo -e In the play, Turiddu's concern is for Santuzza, the girl honoured' and feels obliged to protect: he has 'dis- Turiddu (chiamando in disparte compar Alfio) Sentite, compar Alfio, come a vero Dio so the ho torto, e mi lascierei Ma ci ho scannare da voi senza dir nulla. un debito di coscienza con comare Santa, the Sono io the l'ho fatta cadere net precipizio; e quantle vero Dio, vi ammazzerb come un cane, per non lasciare quella poveretta in mezzo alla strada. Compar Alfio - Va bene. Voi fate l'interesse vostro. Turiddu's In the libretto, lines are compressed into six endecasillabi: Compar Alfio.... Lo so the it torto a mio, e ve lo giuro nel nome di Dio the al par d'un cane mi farei sgozzar, ma, s'io non vivo, resta abbandonata... povera Santa... lei the mi s'e data.... (con impeto) Vi saprö in core it ferro mio piantar! (freddamente) Compare, fate come piü vi place, io v'aspetto qui fuori dietro l'orto. Turiddu Alfio The contrast between the loquacious young man and the cool, determined terms but for Turidavenger is rendered in very much the same veristic in with the rest: does notfit du's last line which, linguistically, 'core' and 'ferro' are too overtly catchwords for the tenor's cadence. Scene 10 is, the only one, of the three reserved to Alfio identity. in the opera, where this character is restored to his original In one case Mascagni showed a better understanding of verismo Soon after the challenge with the kiss than his Livornese friends. and ear-biting, at any rate, Targioni and Menasci had placed an old-fashioned Turiddu, Lola and the chorus; then Alfio en- and semble piece for Alfio, Turiddu rushed away to have their rustic duel, and, on the announce15 ment of its outcome, the chorus knelt down invoking God's mercy. Mascagni suggested, instead, that Verga's text should be respected. So the absurd concertato was scrapped and, in Scene 12, the chorus was given only one loud 'AhI' in unison with Santuzza and Lucia to 43 the cry 'Hanno ammazzato compare Turiddu! '. scene contains an incongruity which distances, once more, the opera from the play in terms of psychological consisLola goes off in Scene 10, accompanied by some women, and Santency. express their horror Yet, this last after tuzza reappears at the very end of the opera, throws herself into LuThen, on hearing of Turiddu's cia's arms and sings '0h! madre mia! '. The reappearance of killing, the two women scream and fall senseless. Turiddu's last wish that his mother should Santuzza apparently fulfils 16 But that is not take care of the girl in case he were not to return. In the last Scene of the play, Verga leaves Turiddu's moththe point. keeps Santuzza but Lola the well out stage on minor characters and er, of the way. She exits at the end of Scene 5, making for the church on her own while everyone else is coming out of it after the end of the her last line is a reply to Zio Brasi who Easter Mass. Significantly, notices her strange behaviour: comare Santa, the va in chiesa quando non c'e piü nessuno! in Brasi! Sono zio mortale, peccato - Zio Brasi -0 Santuzza Santuzza is now alone with her shame and sense of guilt. has just 'scellerata', but 'dishonoured' since she wicked, only not Turiddu death. indirectly, to Lola's sentenced and, adultery exposed She is left Her expiation begins with her feeling an outcast in her own village. different Her despair is of a totally nature from Gnä Nunzia's motherly grief, and her remorse could hardly concern the mother of the man lines before The last the killed. the be to has of play, caused she naturalistic shout, Gnä Nunzia Gnä Lola are for Gnä Nunzia and Lola: (sempre di piü in piü smarrita) - Ma dov'e dire Turiddu? Ma figlio che vuol mio andato tutto questo? la facciamo dire Pasqua, Vuol che mala gnä Nunzia. E il vino che abbiamo bevuto insieme ci andrä tutto in veleno. The echo of Santuzza's curse 'mala Pasqua a te! ' still rings ominously in Lola's words. justice As remorse and isolation await Santuzza, institutional Before the curtain drops, 'Due carabithe murderer. pursues Alfio, nieri attraversano correndo la scena', the very same policemen whose 44 presence at the beginning of the play (Scene 1) silently embodied the firm authority of the Italian to the self-made state in juxtaposition justice 'man of honour'. In the opera, the presence of the Sicilian of a police station with the 'carabinieri' the square would patrolling spoil the picturesqueness realistic, is so there of the Sicilian no trace setting and make it all too of that. Having removed or distorted some essential, realistic components introduced their own pseudoof the story, Mascagni and his librettists ingredients: the "Siciliana", Lola's stornello veristic and Turiddu's drinking song. The idea was to provide on-stage music which would help to characterize the rustic environment and give the principals a natu- ral medium of expression. In the original st Lola sotto 'coll'andare la finestra short a cantare della Turiddu story, tutte bella'. wreaked his le canzoni The 'canzoni resentment again- di sdegno the sapeva di sdegno' were one of the four categories of Sicilian subject or use: love, jealousy, popular songs classified according to 17 Two months after parting and spite. the successful Turin premiere of the play, Verga himself thought of some sort of 'small symphony and musical epilogue of the comedy' to be performed before raising the curtain. On 22 March 1884 he wrote to his Catanese friend and composer Giuseppe Perrotta commissioning the piece and outlining a programme or summary of the moods to be musically portrayed with a truly Sicilian colour: Un canto d'amore che sospiri nella notte, quasi il caldo anelito di Turiddu che va a lagnarsi sotto la finestra della Gnä Lola e il lamento di Santuzza che Poi la vita nel Villaggio attende invano. che si desta, il suono delle campane a festa, la nota di gelosia e di amore che torna ed insiste a forma di pedale, ed infine lo scoppio furibondo dell'ira della gelosia, A grida dell'accorruomo, della madre e dell'amante. The passionate feelings - love, jealousy, anger the festive and by Verga in his request are also the leading atmosphere highlighted motives in Mascagni's melodrama. In particular, the 'canto d'amore... sotto la finestra della Gnä Lola' the "Siciliana". But anticipates the three Livornese associates did not bother to consult one of the many collections of Sicilian popular songs (see below, ch. 3, p. 100). to choose a suitable 'canzone di sdegno'. It was a fortuitous cir- 45 cumstance that was to give Mascagni the idea of a serenade for Lola. him in Cerignola and showed the composer A friend happened to visit Mascagni found one particularly some poems of his in Neapolitan. 'Brunetta ca si mmaniche ncammisa', and thought the lines attractive: he Sicilian, he Unfamiliar Lola. be to as was with put adapted might together a text in a mixture of Neapolitan and Sicilian which was subsequently amended by the Palermo-born tenor Roberto Stagno, the first (May 1890), Turiddu. However, in the first edition of the libretto the "Siciliana" 'Supra', contained two Latinisms which are hard to account for, 'occisu': Turiddo la cammisa, di latti 0 Lola ch'hai si' russa e janca comu li cirasa, fai la yucca a risa, quannu t'affacci beatu ppi lu primu cui la vasa! Supra la porta to' lu sangu e spasu, si cci moru occisu, ma nun m'importa ma si cci moru e vaju 'n paradisu, si nun cci vidu a tia mancu cci trasu. ('0 Lola, bianca come fior di spino') was Cavalleria for the in the premiere of second edition prepared added 19 'supra' and in Livorno (August 1890). Turiddo became Turiddu, 'occisu' were replaced by 'Ntra' and 'accisu' and besides other ad- The Italian justments, translation four words were again given a Neapolitan spelling: la cammisa 0 Lola c'hai di latti si bianca e russa comu la cirasa, la fai t'affacci yucca a risa, quannu biatu pi lu primu cu ti vasa! Ntra la puorta tua lu sangu e spasu, orta si ce muoru accisu... ma nun me m up e si ce muoru e vaju 'n paradisu mancu ce trasu. si nun ce truovo a ttia, This version was also kept in the 1891 edition of the libretto. final text of the "Siciliana" was left with a better Sicilian but an odd rhyming scheme (ABCDDCCD): la cammisa, 0 Lola ch'hai di latti si bianca e russa comu la cirasa, fai la yucca a risu, quannu t'affacci biatu cui ti dä lu primu vasul Ntra la porta tua lu sangu e sparsu, 46 The spelling e nun me mporta si ce muoru accisu... e s'iddu muoru e vaju mparadisu si nun ce truovu a ttia, mancu ce trasu. (Cavalleria Rusticana, Sonzogno, Milano, 1981) The concluding hyberbole ('and if I die and go to paradise/if I don't find you there, I won't even go in') is recorded by Alessandro D'Ancona 20 in several regional versions. The Prelude with the "Siciliana" was written after the completion by Mascagni to the selecting of the opera and was handed in personally Committee when he was summonedfor the in Rome. audition of Cavalleria It has often been stressed that what ultimately matters in a libretto is not so much the literary quality of the text as the potenIn this tial effectiveness of its metamorphosis into song and music. has always had a tremendous impact on listen'canto d'amore'. Luigi Capuana ers as if it were an authentic Sicilian love songs of his was aware of this when he wrote of the plaintive island: respect, the "Siciliana" Sotto il cielo limpidissimo ma senza luna, nel vasto silenzio notturno appena appena agitato dal basso stormire degli ulivi, una voce bene intonata cantava la lamentosa cantilena preferita dai contadini siciliani nei loro canti d'amore. Non pensino alla canzone di Cavalleria Rusticana del Mascagni, imitazione artistica non spregevole certamente, ma ibrida fusione di due accenti, se si pub dire, il siciliano e il to21 inadeguata. scano; avrebbero un'idea Its Tuscan flavour has The same could be said for Lola's stornello. already been noted by several critics. As to the drinking song, it stems from the rather weak Scene 6 of the play, where the tension drops as the general conversation dion the philandering gresses towards unnecessary considerations attiTuriddu's final lines: tudes of soldiers away from their fiancees. Alla vostra salute, Bevete, zio Brasi. conia. Voi, comare Camilla! gnä Lola! Oggi vogliamo uccidere la malin- to the 'umor nero' of the song. The toast to Lola is converted into an empty-headed bravado - 'Ai vostri amori! ' - which, taken seriously, would publicly endorse Santuzza's branding Lola as point directly 47 ('Ai nostri A curious misprint kept in amori'), turns the insolent insinuation of the libretto, a 'mala femmina'. the modern edition into an open admission, rus. The operatic Turiddu In conclusion, by the joyful underlined was definitely the dramatization despite thetics the thematic the only ty of the subject, in the libretto shouts the local colour, tering letter claim in all and dramatic Sonzogno's enhanced by Mascagni's to Verga, honesty that and sincerity it boundaries Apart veristic aes- extreme from the novel- elements preserved the two forceful There remained, elemental dei of his was pushed to its the was largely of the subject colour' trouble. music. of course, In a flat- on 27 March 1890, the composer could written and that of the cho- from Vita of the dialogues, pace of the action. the play, reproduced authentically for story and Menasci. were the vividness and the quick of the adjustments, by Targioni of melodramatization looking the formal Campi, which Verga had kept within 'Viva' if libretto had faithfully the merit the opera of the 'strong had been selected by Committee: L'assicuro che il libretto ha riprodotto quasi alla la Sua Cavalleria. lettera conservando per tal modo e quell'ambiente che hanno reso immorquel colorito Anche la Commissione teatrale tale il Suo lavoro. dette un voto di lode a quel libretto, non certo. per la parte inventiva ma soltanto per la fedeltä della trascrizione.... e se i Commissari sono venuti nella decisione di scegliere la mia opera per la prima, della mia musica ed al ciö si deve alla teatralitä forte e drammatico, ispiratomi da un sHcolorito getto cos! vero, cos! umano, cos! appassionato. The overall result of the 'faithful transcription' shows the limited extent to which literary transverismo could be successfully The conventional choruses, Alfio's ferred on to the operatic stage. the veneer of musical exoticism entry song, Turiddu's 'brindisi', provided by the "Siciliana" and Lola's the stilted vocabulary of standard operatic practice were all as essential to the sucThe cess of the opera as they were alien to Verga's "Scene popolari". invented a new recipe with their sagacious blending two librettists of old ingredients and the fresh stornello, aromas of Sicily; and the enterprising Mascagni devised Sonzogno dished up a well-timed pressure cooker, the prototype of operatic verismo with the authoritative endorsement 24 of the two selecting Committees of his Competition. 48 2. Mala Pasqua! and Monleone's Cavalleria Gastaldon's Rusticana In a detailed article The Musical on Mascagni's 'great hit', Times (1 September 1890) referred to Sonzogno's Competition and sta'No less than sixty-seven MS. operas were sent in, ted inaccurately: and several of these treated the subject of Cavalleria Rusticana'. There was, in fact, one other opera based on Verga's play. Its auth'Signor Gastaldon, or was, to quote again the English periodical, a year or two ago reigned whose melodious song, "Musica proibita", supreme in every Italian easy victory by spinning drawing-room, and who expected to gain an out Verga's play into an opera of three long style as acts, written in much the same pleasing, though superficial the song which brought his name before the public'. and hopeless The diffuseness opera from this unnecessary to consider (Turin, Gastaldon nislao of Mala Pasqua! make it mediocrity a musical point of view. Sta- 1861 to his 1939) Florence, had made a good repu25 to stick writer, and would have done better as a parlour-song languorous of repertory and plaintive romanze, comcongenial peting with Adolfo Tirindelli tation instead a literary point of view, comparison with Mascagni's libretti Paolo Tosti of venturing to write Mala Pasqua! offers Cavalleria, a "Dramma lirico" operas. interesting particularly at the same time were written Mala Pasqua!, and for in two acts, and Pier However, from elements of because the two the same competition. was no. 33 of the 73(! ) Committee set up by Sonzogno. It to the selecting and performed withdrawn (presumably because of its length) submitted scores was later with as Francesco such renowned people a moderate 1890, five received success weeks before very unfavourable at the Teatro Costanzi in Rome on 9 April Mascagni's Although Mala Pasqua! opera. 26 it was revived in the autumn reviews, Perugia, in Teatro Morlacchi the the of a revised at same year of three-act version, and even managed to arrive in Portugal (Lisbon, 2 February 1891). is its length: the tense and with this libretto gripping structure of Verga's play is completely shattered, and dialogues are slackened by pointless and wordy speeches. The revised The major fault version interrupts the action after Santuzza's curse 'Mala Pasqua a te! ' and starts Act III with Alfio's thus cooling all the imarrival, petus of Santuzza's confession to Alfio soon after the break up with 49 Turiddu. A superfluous dawn, and introduces Turiddu opera), returning home for Easter. two. Almost left out. from parting scene by scene, stable, I sets detail very wife after for Verga's are kept, villagers a few hours earlier, at (renamed Carmela in this love, a night's and Alfio to the one act of the long Scene 1 reshaped into corresponds of the setting Camilla Ahis The colourful Lola Act II except the clock Santuzza a restless play, his Act is reproduced: Zio Brasi 'carabinieri' station the who make for the church and is or group in front of Gnä Nunzia's wine-shop sing exactly the same sort of Arcadian platitudes as in Targioni and Menasci's libretto or even worse if 'possible: Sorride la natura pits giovane e feconda; l'aria si fa pits pura, si fa piü bella l'onda, e sona alto nel ciel il canto dell'augel! 27 I1 sole getta fiori e sui verzieri; sui prati il cielo di splendori i pensieri, c'imporpora e piü giocondo in core 1'amore. ci palpita of the opening chorus, Scene 1 of Act II closes with a procession - church bells and organ music are de rigueur - and the chorus on their knees sing two stanzas of decasillabi (I libretto Verdian Lombardi): early of an reminiscent After the trivial settenari 0 Signore, gli schiavi redenti si volgono al Re! palpitanti ma i dolori de' cuori fidenti tutti aduna ed accoglie la fe dei venti e li porta sull'ali come incenso, Signore, per te! ... ..... e, propizio a la pace feconda, benedici la cuna e Pavel! This is followed immediately (Scene 2) by a veristic dialogue between Carmela and Nunzia: Carmela Gnä Nunzia Carmela Gnä Nunzia Gnä Nunzia! 0 tu, che vuoi? Vado alla chiesa! Non temete, Gnä Nunzia, me ne vado, Ma ditemi dov'e compar Turiddu! Non c'e! The contrast between the melodramatic register of the choruses and the verismo of Verga's dialogues is much more striking than in Tar- 50 and Menasci's gioni linguistic libretto. coherence metres, operatic as this extract Mascagni's Quite often, are disfigured of the dialogues cliches, ensemble pieces, from Scene 4 of Act even the texture II and by antiquated producing such absurdities to Scene 6 of corresponding Cavalleria: Lola (ironica) Turiddu Santuzza Lola (ironica) Santuzza (tetra) Lola Lola Turiddu Carmela Lola Turiddu Lola Carmela Lola Cavalleria le funzioni E... voi... sentite Santuzza mi narrava... in piazza? Gli dicevo the oggi a Pasqua e it Signor vede ogni cosa! Non venite alla messa? Io no, ci deve andar chi sa di non aver peccato. Io ringrazio it Signore e bacio in terra! Mala Pasqua! Ma alla funzione voi non ci Vengo. Carmela mi diceva.... Gli dicevo ch'e solenne venite? questa Pasqua gloriosa, the it Signor legge nei cuori, the it Signor vede ogni cosa. Cos! parlano, comare, le coscienze timorate, ma, nel giorno del Signore, dite! in chiesa non ci andate? Mi dicea the a vigilare la lascio la mammamia,... o Gnä Lola, concedete ch'io vi faccia compagnia. Andiamo via, Gnä Lola. Voi non avete fretta! (con intenzione) In chiesa deve andare chi ha la coscienza netta! Per me ringrazio Iddio e bacio in terra. opera to be derived from Verga's play was a "Dramma in un prologo e un atto" largely moulded on Targioni and Melirico nasci's libretto, with some ideas borrowed from Mala Pasqua!, but this was the third Cavallesensibility: exhibiting a finer literary The last Rusticana (1902), a deservedly forgotten work because of a remarksometimes bordering on plagiarism, able lack of musical originality although, in its day, it was well received in Italy and abroad. Its authors were two young Genoese brothers, Giovanni (1879- ria 1947) and Domenico (1875-1942) Monleone: the former adapted the lib- 51 retto, the latter composed the music. The opportunity was provided 28 by the 1903 Sonzogno Competition for a new one-act opera. A comparison the weak points best duction Act to the first before we find Turiddu's a Wagnerian But, under Lola's chromatic 'Pastori' the breaking as life the villagers evitable rection chorus tive acter slowly lines a long-winded to a climax line '0 del the orchestra is of the action from to the and useless piece which incorporates window (sung with the curtain up) and a D'Annunzian retire, of derived orchestral passage soaring in unison singing (Ex. 1). As they portray instead as an intro- is clearly and so is the back-dating and tense a short serenade Nunzia/Santuzza shows play and used to their varied The idea of a 'Prologo' one. Sunday. Easter based on Verga's being texts dialogue I of Mala Pasqua!, night act, of the earlier in the third advantage libretti of the three with labbro, the two lovers o del cor voluttä! and an off-stage chorus of dawn and the religious fervour resumed on the festive day. ' of of The in- images of the 'Resurthan in Mascagni's hymn' are more acceptable opera since the is kept out of sight and used as an ingredient of the descripneo-Arcadian music. with The libretto references and the doleful and the conventional also provides to a torrent guidelines murmuring hoot of a nocturnal sadly of a romantic char- in the deep valley bird: Un'aura tiepida e leggera passa a quando a quando tra le fronde novelle riempiendole di fremiti e di susurri. Qualche uccello notturno getta nell'aria il suo grido lamentevole; e le mille voci indefinite della notte corin collina, rono di collina mentre il torrente ripete il suo triste cantare nel cupo della valle. ...... Sulle cime orientali la sovrasta un chiarore incerto; luna impallidisce... E' 1'alba che s'appressa, e l'aurora che arriva gioconda, toccando con le sue dita di rosa ogni prato, ogni albero, ogni casa! E' l'alba di Pasqua! I PASTORI lontanamente Recinta d'aurora la vetta riluce; gli augelli risvegliansi e cantan d'amore. E' 1'alba; il tuo gregge sospingi, pasto e il sole che giubilo agli animi induce. The musical style of the piece - and, indeed, of the whole opera does not come up to the ambitions of the literary The young comtext. poser blends in an uneven sequence Wagnerian reminiscences, tuneful 52 Ex. 1- Monleone, Cavalleria Allegro Rusticana wosso 1J, wl LOLA 1 4441.46osJr4 1sow Ysuter) ) ,. -Ah,... 11ý2yT#* r--, z;-; I erix. riJ u. du 1... . id /ala wnrl. º rrw. . , ... 0 0 TURIDCY ý' 1» Jwcrw'/surMd (btrt LOLA talM Mrontr tt4 tdrtt out brtttiw wsb b64 ) ) Arms TrrliJw i Quanta cof W swig" li p L. fri re . G!a . tool.. .. At. ten ar. wf* 1 Lkb bra L. . LIr. /WIJ Le luc %II. M 1 ,.,.,. i9J , call jur. a ... a" gccrlaraw4o .P 12 /" ýj, 53 . de ".. . vo.... bi.... ý"9,. or US id Ii* Ex. 1- Monleone, Cavalleria Rusticana (cont. ) Assaf eoeteauto(J. 4o) -At L Sem Ara?.. . r. rw(Y.. qual. i..... 0 del ýýYY am/ lab Lir 0 d; l <i/Y/r 9N/ lab LiY . bra, o Jul p.. Cww rr . . bro, 'o del /Y,! 'r. r rI T Tut 01"n. Ia mi. al . II. (ila, {l Prima rA. p mo M. ri . MM . . rel... bal... # pncu rrrll. , ay.. o' ced cnwlo . J ý7ýý <r.q. :J ýýýf1-. ý=-ýý-"ý' ý I. cor.. _...._ _ r o, Lý. del . kr cor . vo . .w ýr+ ,rlrll lut º1 _, tä t__ . P., r/ o, V T cor . ý_ ! rw ###E del o_ 6w, - oý.,ý V lug vo it ýý 1 cor r ý -. ý aesai. ý . -. ---- p adiu ý ý #- 54 ý su[ aobtenuto (J.. o) melodies with conventional arpeggio accompaniment, plain and robust harmonies ä la Mascagni to sustain the However, chorus. religious the 'Prologo' Turiddu/Lola section 'Resurrection hymn', atonement. It atmosphere 30 Unico'. for to the religious heightening the following and the chorus of the concluding and the need for the action play with sparingly. and slightly dialogue in the two earlier is employed very is reinstated: the festive of Verga's opera than Monleone does not interrupt apotheosis Nunzia/Santuzza structure in this mood of the initial the sense of guilt does manage to create The dialogical reproduced from the erotic moves steadily ominous of the 'Atto is much more faithfully ones. a melodious Very sensibly, intermezzo, One of Verga's minor char- Zio Brasi, the stableman. His presence in Mala Pasqua! was a mere encumbrance; on the contrary, in Cavalleria he is acters given 'basso with musical a specific comico' his and, proverbs like and psychological the original or provides some relief characterization. Verghian with character, his jokes He is a he interferes and questions: Oggi ch'ý Pasqua fanno pace suocera e nuora! .......... I1 Carnevale falb o con chi vuoi; Pasqua e Natale f alli con i tuoi. ............ Ehi, 'compar Alfio! 0 che volete prenderlo un viaggio per Mineo? ...... ...... Zio Brasi Allegri! tracanniamo! faccio io la spesa. (allo Zio Brasi) Nunzia A queste sagre, poi, ci siete sempre voi! Zio Brasi Dice il vecchio dettato: "santifica be feste. " to 1'ho sempre osservato. (Scene 3), the bad example of Mascagni's Cavalleria Monleone does keep Alfio's spectacular entry with loud cheers of but there is no song either for him or for the 'Evviva compar Alfio', (Mascagni's di bel '0 il the mestiere/fare carrettiere/andar chorus Following Giovanni Monleone felt the absurdity of that sudden qua e di lä'). to the return of the village shift of focus from the Easter festivity carter and made up a plausible reason for the villagers' enthusiasm: on his way home, in the night, Alfio was attacked by two robbers and he scared them off with his whip. So the villagers him congratulate 55 and then Zio Brasi go, while suggests: e regola E' regola. Su quest'incontri beverci sopra... Although Alfio's is dramatically story weak, it at least brings out his readiness to look after psychology: one aspect of the carter's his own interests and safety in any circumstance. The only serious weak point of this otherwise is good libretto duet Santuzza-Alfio. The Monleones to be found soon after the crucial must have felt the need for big Scene 9 with so, its a spectacular famous drinking at the end of the Easter people are being to decorate cheers and intro- of wild of the linguistic register: di guazza. Son molli Oh i bei biancospini! Se pungono!... ............ Tutti Voci lontane good-natured chime merrily Che olezzo! Le fanciulle Le donne Le fanciulle flowery spumeggiante'; handed out to the villa31 homes. The mannerism their a sudden alteration Alcune donne vino bunches and garlands di Pasqua! ')which of the scene determines to Mascagni's of whip and joyful cracks with in order il the bells of young peasants gers in the square During this song 'Viva Mass, while come out of the church, duce a cart full flowers ('I fiori alternative ........ Fiori fiori sulle soglie; sui balconi; fiori all'ostello April e amor!.... di Nostro Signor! only Zio Brasi keeps his usual tone of sarcasm, and comments with Nunzia: Zio Brasi Nunzi a frenzy, Nunzia, v'adornano oggi la bettola come un altar! Gioventü! Gioventü! idea is that the young The worst consequence of this brilliant composer seems to have exhausted his personal resources and makes extensive use of Grieg's theme of the 'Morning mood' from Peer Gynt, not just for the flower scene but also during the Easter celebration (Ex. 2). Only Gnä Nunzia's Turiddu to offering wine everyone with at brings the Easter morning mood to an end and Monleone Alfio's arrival 56 Ex. 2- Monleone, Cavalleria Rusticana BRASI b LA Di ce . Be! .U. ii .. ge det go vec . chio Vor. ochrift. . . ji le /e: Yte. » ca 4184itL . A denFcsttag Eel. ere.» u du164)U to: lri to die 6A to Pho sempre osser. Doriarh u lil fat adük 1m= P (eucoao can Is prime) mit den anders ab) diam I rAa, ( Frattanto, tra schiocchl dl trustee giuato in piazza us biroeclo parato a feite; e an di eisa gruppo di coatadigl recants mazzi dl fiorisilveatri, fraacbe eghlrlaade) Aleuai uomiai (a TEN. ) un 00 Eisige Manner) ( Durch die Mitte bereis ein festlich seacbmuckter Maultierkarres. Auf ihm junge Bauers mit Blumen, Ranken und Zweigen) f F- bf - Ogg 8 bal . Ber. leýrAl's 6 L lop OP v ä to. va . rtesltar.. (a sop.) Alcune donne (accurresdo) ( Einige Frauen (eilen herbei)I lo . ri OA "At rskA1 MoIU altri (s TEN. ) vicle andre ý - Ä? siqoA ýe1len accorresdo Igiovanl herbei; 3 HASSI)Die Bauern b di is Pasqua! AIM. awn! . _ _ I flu OA swat dorA! rii Pa. squa! l1l.a. aHSe/ I: Ehi, gun to, . s$nt d'ouwt roe,b b"ýý 1 _ No; Wir qual tuýwwtl bon frld. no ý il bi . nasirw Mae! b p' 61, d, r Altri'uomiai(a quelll ase rieaaagoao) (A TEN. ) of L+idge Mi *ser 4 MS. Sa. lu ) I roc. clo. . Ker. ?we. OP Wlltoa LA m's 11C Sa lu . cres. la comps gnl tut to to a . . lie. MA . i01u1Oo. MM# 04 . LA . 64 LA LJ -LA-'d tea tut . to la compa gnl . " býý ý al . e'sI r to his own range of thematic resorts A better follows change can be found material. where Monleone at the catastrophe Verga's than Targioni play much more closely and Menasci did for Mascagni (see above, par. 1). Santuzza is made to go to church after the end of the Mass; that is noticed and commented on by Zio Brasi: (accorgendosi di lei che entra furtivamente) Santuzza che va in chiesa Zio Brasi quando gli She feels We find, tical an outcast instead, Nunzia Lola In spite Paleis Cavalleria whose last lines are almost iden- (sempre pith smarrita) Dove mio figlio? Ma dov'e andato?... Che vuol dir cib?... Vuol dir the il vino ci andrä in veleno! in Turin had its voor Volksvlyt, and the borrowings, style and, earlier world paired A. Puccio, with This move irritated verismo operas, so that, bought on, the opera made in Amsterdam, where Mon- on 5 February 1907, European cities until at the 32 Mascagni's It famous prototype. (Het Volk, De week, to Dutch-papers premiere was an enormous success, according Then the opera toured Het niews). ese publisher, at the end of the opera. not reappear and Lola of the patchy a good impression se n'escono! ones in the play: to the equivalent Nunzia leone's and will altri other it and organized an Italian a Milantour. Edoardo Sonzogno, the number one patron of when the new Cavalleria was scheduled for the Emanuele of Turin on 10 July 1907, he started a legal action to stop it and sued the Monleone brothers, the publisher Puccio The embittered and vinand Giovanni Verga for unlawful competition. Teatro Vittorio novelist had not forgiven Mascagni and Sonzogno for the lengthy he had had to go through in order to claim his share of royalties, trial and had given his consent to the new adaptation of his play after seeking advice from the 'Societä Italiana degli Autori'. dictive Verga never had a chance to hear the opera and assess the modest merits of the music, but he was impressed by Monleone's growing success to the extent that he was willing to give him the libretto of La Lupa. A few days after Verga had given his consent, Dina di Sordevolo (20 March 1907): 58 he wrote to his friend Peccato che il Ricordi il Monleone per dargli il successo darö gliela to, il suo cordi come non abbia subito preso a cuore La Lupa. Ma se, come spero, di cotesto maestro continua ad affermarsi, io La Lupa, se non gliela Tanda Ricordi. cammino 13ha fatto senza le grucce del RiPuccini. The novelist's sympathy for the young musician, who was making 'crutches', his way without the help of Ricordi's was strengthened by his grudge against Puccini for failing to come up to his expectations Almost a month after that letter, in a about La Lupa (see Ch. 3). rare outburst of enthusiasm and optimism, as he felt involved in Monleone's project of having his Cavalleria performed in Italy, Verga (18 April 1907): Dina to wrote again Aspetto notizie di Monleone che mi ha promesso di informarmi delle trattative che sono in corso per Cavalleria. Pare che cotesto suo nuovo Editore sappia fare meglio dei vecchi; ad ogni modo se ne occupa con ferSperiamo bene, e che venga il successo anche per vore. la Cavalleria, la Lupa, La Lupa. Allora fra i verdelli, la Duchessa, che California! Vedo tutto color di rosa scrivendo questa lettera e Tanti tanti saluti di correndo col pensieSý costl. Giovannino. cuore. On the night of the successful premiere in Turin, a telegram informed Verga in Catania and he immediately relayed the good news to Dina: Catania, giovedi, 11 mattina (July 1907) Ricevo or ora questo dispaccio da Torino, che mi a comunicarti sapendo di farti piacere: affretto "Cavalleria completo successo malgrado diffidenza. Fratelli Monleone, Puccio, Saluti cordialissimi. e C. " Ma com'b che la Stampa che ho seguito giorno per giorno sino a ieri non annuncia neppure la E' del complotto Sonzogniano?.. rappresentazione? Ad ogni modo son contento Se son rose fioriranno... del risultato ottenuto sinora, per dare una lezione a quel famoso Mascagni, che non scrive piü opere accluso, e non ha fatto piü nulla vedi bullettino dopo la Cavalleria, cM5hanno fatto gli strozzini con me, lui e Sonzogno. It is clear from this letter Verga's resentment against Of course, there was no Sonzognan that Mascagni was still running high. La Stampa plot with the press and Mascagni was anything but idle. did announce the performance of Monleone's opera on 10 July in a 59 It would be conducted by one of Italy's sympathetic way. most presAntonio Guarnieri; Turiddu would be sung by Alfredo tigious artists, Cecchi and Santuzza ed a favourable in assessing by Linda Micucci. and detailed review. the composer's abilities: On 11 July Its critic the paper publish- was really generous Disinvolto, dell'effetto, conoscitore non di rado ha chiare vedute e serietä d'inconciso, efficace, Ma il guaio principale difettenti. si e ch'egli ta di personalitä e di idee originali, e per quandi liberare lo spartito to gli sia riuscito da reminiscenze mascagnane, - il che non e poco merito, influenze di noti autori altre e non lievi vi sono, purtroppo, palesi. delight Verga's long. Sonzogno argued that, In court, lire of 143,000 and the Monleones' for Mascagni's on Cavalleria; copyright by accepting the novelist opera, Monleone's therefore, did satisfaction not last the settlement had forfeited libretto his was an arbit- its to authorize and Verga had been ill-advised appropriation The publisher seemed to have a good case and the opera publication. Moreover, Verga was made to pay the legal costs had to be withdrawn. (1,500 lire) but also for the penniless Monleone not only for himself rary Puccio and the publisher part in the arrangements tangled who claimed to Dina document Verga's 36 al settlement. As to Monleone and Puccio, order. they and mild were undeterred They simply which took moved abroad and started the opera to Budapest (17 January En- of the opera. and more money. frustration anger, he had had no Verga had to sue his a long time took which since to the composition prior as he was in the dispute, reimbursed, exemption to be partners Several letters hopes for a fin- by the court a long European tour 1908, sung in Hungarian), On 10 May 1909 the new Cavalleria Rusticana was performed in London, at the Coronet Theatre (paired with Acts 2 and 3 of Rossini's Barbiere), and repeated on the 15th together Vienna, Breslau, Marseilles, Paris. Sonnambula. In the same week Covent Garden was showing with Bellini's Mascagni's Cavalleria with Pagliacci, and both operas had been previously staged at the Coronet (end of April 1909). So there were plenty of opportunities for immediate comparison, ne's opera obviously May wrote: insisted on this 60 and all point. the reviews of MonleoThe Times' critic on 12 [between the Still, in spite of these differences libretti it all comes very of the two operas]...., much to the same thing in the end. In both operas the melodies are either laden with sugar or torn to the usual shreds with the usual passion, and in is the conventional both operas the orchestration mixture of harp and muted strings and very much unmuted brass. Reviewing the second performance of the opera, The Times (17 May 1909) concluded: Before Bellini's opera the "new" Cavalleria Rusticana was repeated with the same cast as before, convincing everybody that there is not much to choose between the two versions of the work, except that Monleone's falls intensity. short of Mascagni's hysterical The comment, albeit inaccurate and unfair to Mascagni, betrays a widespread dislike for verismo operas as such. The Musical Times (1 June 1909) took a different view which implied a favourable evaluation of Monleone's setting: differs little The libretto from that used by Mascagni, but the musical treatment is more advanced in its means of expression, and often makes appeal to the musical inFor this reason tellect rather than to popular taste. the opera is not likely to achieve so great a vogue as its predecessor. The Monthly Musical Record (1 June 1909) limited matter-of-fact its comment to a consideration: Mascagni's opera having achieved so great and so prolonged a success, it seemed somewhat bold on the part of the young composer Monleone to challenge comparison but on with a work not only based on the same story, The rendering the same libretto. of this opera, though there were good moments in it, proved that Mascagni had nothing to fear from his rival. the opera was 'buried by the ruthlessness of the mighty publisher Sonzogno, the new alive' Cavalleria would not have had a long life of its own. Perhaps the most interesting statement about this otherwise negligible critical Although Monleone's biographer claims that opera can be found in La Stampa's review of the 1907 Turin premiere. It is not so much a comment on the opera in itself as on Monleone's 61 late adherence to the verismo fashion which had by then exhausted its innovative potential The critic and turned into a threadbare cliche. defining Monleone's 'major wrong' as follows: concluded his article il torto maggiore fu di non voler credere, suo ... egli solo, agli inganni del verismo, quando questi sono ormai conosciuti anche dal grosso pubblico. Infatti dei conper far guerra al pith biasimevole di trent'anni fa, scenici-musicali venzionalismi i nostri giovani ......:.. .. maestri, apostoli del cosidetto verismo, con le i parossismi, le nevrosi superacute convulsioni, della loro musica, non sono riusciti a salvare se stessi. 3. Verga, Mascagni and the Critics The pathos lic, and emphasis of Mascagni's image of the Sicilians reassuring peasants who might ualistic point of honour. view would win full comforting of the striving cities Rusticana heralded bourgeois world large by the the entry moderate of the play, merits of his itself. Vera" Rome 'paper the gling the 'Sicilian of the the aristocratic as a revolutionary or branded libretto Don Chisciotte Fasci', for decent which was often large estates on 7 January wages and better of the island. the popular- the distinctive regret, 1894. organized Under the with confused Verista published of movement strug- in the sulphur impression e in the was the period working-class conditions 62 It artistic of the pat- "Sicilia Eduardo Boutet, critic the first as a cynical elites. Such is the case of the article by the theatre and masterpiece in the harsh criticism work were obliterated the play into Italy audiences Cavalleria the opera soon superseded and, much to Verga's conservatism unrest in the 1890s, such a So, Mascagni's and progressive for social the middle-class with of the public strata some individ- for in the early and was hailed acclaim ronizing Sicilia support of rural intellectual The universal of growing Italy of and God-fearing but only of the peninsula. of opera by the travesty ity At a time in the rest and, indeed, island as harmless to violence resort well an idyl- music established mines and of the alarm- ing dispatches from Sicily of the reporting the appalling situation striking miners and peasants, Boutet launched an attack on Verga and Sicilians Capuana for misrepresenting or ignoring the 'true' and their instead, 'Arcadian' pictures of 'noble sasufferings, and offering, It was a generalized charge against the whole production of vages'. but the specific examples quoted by Boutet to supthe two Sicilians, port his argument were taken from Cavalleria Rusticana, the libretto of the opera being confused with the play: Altro che compari Turiddu e compari Alfio, e morsetti e male pasque a te ea me! Basta la stoall'orecchio per sentirria squadernata al sole della sola zolfara Invece compare Alfio se ne vesi spezzare 1'anima.... Oh, bel che alla ribalta: cantare allegramente a niva dei vile sulle piazzette mestiere fare il carrettiere; brindisi faccio, da brindisi laggi si trovava un vinetto Lagrimucfaccio;... rose, fiori. e chitarre, stornelli, o tormenti alla prima attrice; per 1'applauso ce fatte lo in di un tenore. sfoghetto note per raggruppati And Boutet concluded, with heartfelt sympathy for the wronged Sicilian was only an unrealistic, manpeople, that the Sicily of the 'veristi' true the one: of picture nered Vuol dire the la Sicilia degli scritEcco, a chiaro. tori the riproducevano dal vero, 6 diversa, assai digli vera: popolo the soffre tutti versa, dalla Sicilia i soprusi, e the cerca nella morte la strazi e tutti Vuol fine de' patimenti piü infami e piü ingiusti. Cavalleria Rusticana, dire the la Sicilia quanella le si pub riassumere la macchietta, it bozzetto e la letteraria.....: Sicilia esercitazione era una novella, di maniera. Apart from the material inaccuracy concerning the texts of Cavalleria, what could be true for the opera was grossly unfair to Verga's works. In an open letter published two days later in the same newspaper, it Capuana to refute Boutet's charges by simply had not done his homework if he could credit stating that the critic Verga with the 'melodramatic nonsense': Oh, the bel mestiere, fare it came it But to the dramatic reality of the 'Fasci' carrettiere. when was all too easy for Capuana gave away his own conditions of the Sicilians, social conservatism by writing that Verga and his likes had created in istato normale, in istato di works of art 'osservando la Sicilia Moving from opposite ideologisanitä e non di eccitazione morbosa'. and the actual 63 Capuana chose the same wrong approach adopted by Boutet cal premises, to criticize Verga's works: their connection with contemporary events in Sicily. On the one hand, Capuana historicized and heroic verismo, and 'sane' mal' reducing therefore state, quo; on the other status the agitation abnormal a shameful 37 island. subservient of the as insane censured and mineworkers Boutet and to shake off in the discrimination and political but superficial in a 'nor- and respectful hand, he implicitly system of exploitation emblematic of Sicilians to a portrayal of the labourers The progressive his it Verga's can hardly be excused for blunder at a time when pamphlets, articles and reviews on Mascagni's Cavalleria were being poured out almost as quickly as the opera appeared in the theatres all over Europe, and any assessment of its musical the relQvance of the original the overplay on Ue ft0. }t1.. of The peak period for such a frenetic all dramatic effectiveness outin put was September 1892, during the Theatre and Music Exhibition merits was set against Vienna where Edoardo Sonzogno, along with Mascagni's Cavalleria his House, presented Since the gentle after anticlimax Eduard Hanslick, success the idyll impetuous other veristic and L'Amico of Erckmann and Chatrian Cavalleria, the major commented on the importance operas of Fritz. had come as an Viennese of the subject critic, in the of the opera: In Cavalleria of all impressed by the we were first happy choice of material. Without extraordinarily doubt this libretto brought out the best in Mascagni importance in the opera's sucand it is of decisive A popular, lively setting, cess. sharply delineated an excellent exposition and heightening characters, well motivated, of the action, everything natural, And finally the "heavenly brevity", realistic. seeing how everyone has had a bellyful of 4-5 hour operas and Gutzkow's novels in 9 volumes! ... Mascagni's one-act tragedy surpised and gripped us because it was something quite new. It was not as if the musioriginal, cal ideas were in themselves particularly but combined with the shattering events and the pasinvolved they contributed sionately orchestra withto the impression out question of something new. 39 The echoes of Mascagni's tic say comments of the Viennese 'ß$ in 5i parts, popularity press in Vienna prompted, "I1 Fenomeno Mascagni", 64 and the enthusias- among others, published a long es- in the Corriere (25-30 di Napoli September 1892). Its author was the editor of the F Neapolitan daily, Arturo Colautti, theatre to a critic who was wx. 5oLGiordano (1898) libretto the of Fedora and Adriana Lecouvreur (1902) Joi. Francesco Cilea. In a humorous but wordy style, he ask- ed, tongue-in-cheek: Come si spiega questo fenomeno clamoroso, questo vivente paradosso, questo assurdo umanato, che fa la Germania e mette nell'imbarazzo sorridere 1'Italia? Colautti's answer seemed to be: Verga's play. But he soon added, insight than his colleague with a better Boutet, that the success of the opera was mostly due to the embellishments introduced by the librettists: La parte della Cavalleria lirica che e meglio piaciuta ai pubblici pit diversi e pit remoti e preciNon basta ancora. Ben samente quella senza parole... Cavalleria altre parti sono di questa insalubre che si sottraggono alla paternitä nominale del signor Verga. Occorre citare la siciliana, la canzone di Lola, il doppio coro di introduzione, il concertato il brindisi, la preghiera di Turiddu,... religioso, Ebbene, il successo fu determinato in massima parte da questi hors d'oeuvre poetici, a cui il novelliere-drammaturgo incolsi dichiara assolutamente pevole. Consequently, the success due to the play only for of the opera, one quarter. of any responsibility for one of the greatest operatic of his third part fined Mascagni composer's in Colautti's The journalist the embellishments hits which of the century, essay to a musical 'an exaggeration as . sources: analysis of Bizet' assessment, cleared Verga had made his and devoted of Cavalleria. and elaborated was story the He deon the Senza pregiudizi di scuola e senza ubbie di nazionalitä, egli passa indifferentemente, attraverso il corpo di Bizet, da Meyerbeer a Verdi, da Gounod a Ponchielli, da Schumann a Massenet. Questi con preferenza: il giovane premiato ha un debole per l'ex timpanista dell'Opera. Cavalleria non pare troppo spesso una parafrasi del Roi de Lahore? After decrying the limited originality 65 of the music, Colautti could only single sweeping of the opera. musicale' By that for factor the decisive a as he meant the all too frequent the restless rhythms, the over-abundant 'dinamismo out the success changes of tempo, dynamics contrasting it remia musicale, delirium The disparaging essay could only D'Annunzio. It daily politan in his or, on Mascagni which be matched by an earlier founded on the front of 1892. In "Il defined as 'il velocissimo (2-3 Capobanda" fabricatore 'lesto estemporaneo', vitriolic pen did not spare Mascagni's Edoardo Sonzogno, just The only ness. publisher linguistic serious and publicity The article, virtuosity made in it point 'vanaglorioso and the pamphleteer's manipolatore', of D'Annunzio's Serao in the September 1892) Mascagni was dubbed 'Barnum musicale'. a showpiece the new Nea- and Matilde di melodrammi', musicante of Gabriele article I1 Mattino, page of long Colautti's spiced abusive by Edoardo Scarfoglio spring l'ipe- lirica, nevrosi sonans'. remarks appeared 'la own words: and sharply concerned agent however, was and snobbishthe gigantic com- operation mounted by Sonzogno on the unpredictably successful (e. g. its much publicized Cavalleria presentation at the Vienna Exhi- mercial Mascagni will bition). his ed D'Annunzio, always unique the intensive machine for out of the realm being concern production business, of pure art, big of melodramas, business. that's statA what he was, detractor: the flamboyant concluded stay In veritä, il signor Sonzogno dev'essere molto sodEgli favorisce le prodella sua creatura. disfatto duzioni rapide, abondanti e mediocri... Ora, come i suoi gusti inclinano alla musica, qual meccanico prodigioso avrebbe mai potuto costruirgli una macchina di melodrammi pits largamente e rapidamente produttiva? Twenty years Lorenzo, lime dia later, would mastermind poet and the lirica' against country that, a fruitful 'prodigious Parisina outrage member of the Sonzogno family, another (1913). the countless a few days after spondence from Venice appeared collaboration mechanic' which In 1892 "I1 admirers its between the sub- resulted of the composer all in the Corriere the following di Napoli: Ovazioni a Mascagni Venezia, 9- ore 10,20 pom. Stasera, mentre la musica suonava in piazza la 66 in the Capobanda" proved publication, the young 'trage- such an over the corre- Mascagni la folla Rusticana, Cavalleria riconoscendo la diPoi lo vivamente. acclamb seduto ad un caffe, I diventando molentusiastica.... crebbe, mostrazione lo fecero in stesso. ti forestieri, piazza convenuti dalla Circondato i fazzoletti. Le signore agitavano le mani a tutti, folla, Mascagni stringeva ringrai presenti ai si associarono ziando commosso. Tutti del dimostranti, unarticolo contro quale protesta dai giorD'Annunzio aggressivo per Mascagni, riportato imd'oggi. La dimostrazione piü sempre seguitö nali ponente per le vie della cittä, accompagnando il maestro all'albergo. Popular enthusiasm such seems tobe and divisive lian School slashing versus the general count In France, friends fewer with to Mascagni's response in Italy. Cavalleria could criticism: than few exceptions, controversial where the Young Ita- anywhere else in Europe, the opera caused an uproar on its premiere at the Opera-Comique (19 39 A strikingly January 1892). approach to the one chosen by similar in a review signed Rene de in his essay, is noticeable A. Colautti Recy which 1892. bourgs; tions slashed de sentiment oü l'absence dans la recherche', of the opera: success 'la legende 'melodies the pretentieuse une platitude banalite none; appeared The critic et Litteraire in the Revue Politique 'le qui du concours'; dans nos fau- des series de modulaä chaque mesure; la se trahit et bruyante; musical and pointed bruit', ont traine of 23 January for out three reasons for the which Mascagni was second to and Verga's play: la dont de Verga, le drame conLa troisieme, c'est le but, hate tragique sans embarrasser vers se cision d'habiles de menageoiseuses, marche preparations sa Chevalerie Cette de savantes. complications ments, d'honneur le Point villac'est proprement rustique, et ois: comment ils aiment, comment ils trahissent eq ä brutalement, brusquement, ils se vengent; comment Tous cela, sans la partition, brüle-pourpoint... sans les hors d'oeuvre obligatoires: serenade, priere, de du choeur charretier, couplets scene religieuse, buveurs, - remplirait vingt minutes ä peine, et voiindiscretes... lä qui coupe court aux questions pour 40 du musicien. le plus grand profit to strike indiscrimidid not miss the opportunity d'Italie 'Certes, pas nous n'attendions composers: the ItaloA few days later, bien dcrite'. ddlicate, The French critic nately at Italian une partition phile and influential Camille Bellaigue, 67 reviewing Cavalleria for the Revue des Deux Mondes (1 February 1892), admitted that Mascagni's durement le tres 'froidement been had public et par received opera par la critique', and picked at his country's chauvinism: bloc la premiere oeuvre d'un en on a condamne ... ecolier, chefs d'oeuet remontant de lä jusqu'aux 1'ecole italienne tout envre des. maitres, c'est tiere et qu'une fois de plus a paru meconnaitre Voila ce qu'il calomnier. ne faut pas faire. And Bellaigue quoted the latest composer, of his favourite He Verdi's Otello, as an example of vitality in the Italian school. Like also gave a more objective and analytic evaluation of Cavalleria. Colautti, he pointed out the musical reminiscences (Gounod, Bizet, masterpiece harmony, rhythm and instrumentation, he criticized and singled out as bad items: 'La tres vulgaire chanson du charretier, l'oiseuse et banale priere oü se rencontrent le Massenet du Roi .... La chande Lahore et l'Adam du trop fameux Noel... l'intermezzo,.... Massenet, Verdi); son ä boire, connaitre: frangaises ne pouvaient pas ne pas reoü des oreilles But then Bellaigue illustrated the J'ai du bon tabac'. intensity Mascagni by of expression and achieved which sparing means ('Je l'aime, dramatic effectiveness in such pieces as the "Siciliana" la de tache tragique, pour populaire, son parfum pour cette serenade fait sang qu'elle ('d'une stornello au seuil du drame'), Santuzza's romanza, Lola's A toscane'). special mention was allure gentille de ('Autant de Santuzza/Lucia dialogue autant the questions, made of detresse d'une dune humilite, qui attendrit'), phrases expressives, quoted the authoritative and to support his view, Bellaigue of Eduard Hanslick: opinion d'un de nos conNous partageons absolument l'avis M. Hanslick, freres allemands, et non des plus petits, ecrivait ä "Dann tout Cavalleria: de cet propos qui les declarer parties excellentes on opera pourrait de conversation musicale, de dialogue anime41plutöt dit". les le proprement chants ou chant que In this way, two of the major music critics in Europe specifically parts of Mascagni's opera, sorting acknowledged the truly veristic them out from the 'bruit' of the melodrama. Most other reviewers, in Italy and elsewhere, minimizing the novelty of the opera and the grossly 68 were too busy overstated im- portance of Mascagni as an innovator or, even worse, as the successor The major literary journal in Italy, Nuova Antologia, of Verdi. was in slashing the exaggerated enthusiasm aroused by Cavalconsistent leria. One exception was the first review of the opera (Nuova Antologia, 1 June 1890), of the selecting by Francesco written D'Arcais who was a member of the Sonzogno Competition. committee Alfio's negative comments concerned and the duet Santuzza/Alfio, song, 'il piü The only scadente pezzo', disproportionwhich D'Arcais considered At the end of 1891, the music critic ately long. the of the journal, Girolamo A. Biaggi stated drily: old conservative e quegli scrit.. non siamo per nulla con que' critici tori (un'opera Rusticana che per la Cavalleria di un bellissimo, solo atto, e non tutto ne bello, ne lodeil Mascagni un grande, un dissero vole, per giunta) di proclamarlo sommo, un genio, e non dubitarono continuatore e successore del piü ill4ýtre compositore del Verdi ne piü ne meno. vivente, A similar caratteri Ippolito del musicali Valetta and, like tore' for opinion can be found at the end of an article on "I (Nuova Antologia, Falstaff" 15 June 1893) by who defined Bellaigue, Mascagni indicated as 'un avventurato Verdi improvvisa- as a 'luminoso esempio' everybody. In Britain, 19 October, bury Theatre, brothers Ricci's more or less where Cavalleria the same: popular In those the witty reviews Mascagni's with comic opera Crispino caution. what he wrote paired arrived after years, a condensed version e la comare), enthusiasm a London weekly, of an exceptional the mild in 1891 (London, of the the response The World, benefited G. B. Shaw. had partially from This disappointed fans: I was not taken in by Cavalleria; and now that everybody finds L'Amico Fritz deficient in firstobviously I am in rate promise and first-rate accomplishment, the pleasing position of being able to say, "I told Let us therefore you so". clear the discussion of all nonsense about genius of the highest order, and of the ridiculous comparisons with Verdi and Wagner which were last year, and give Mascagni fair rife play as an interesting talent, young composer with a vigourous and it, plenty of courage in asserting ourcongratulating selves meanwhile on the fact that Bellini has at last 69 was checked by the critics' music critic, Amico Fritz Shaftes- is found a disciple, 4d master. In the early years the veristic against by new literary in opera Mascagni's trends, to his as the critical of our century, fashion inferior and Verga's tide art rose was eclipsed Cavalleria faring was still well. of the opera in Paris, under the direction of the author, in the Revue Politigue (28 January an article et Littdraire A revival prompted 1905) on "Pietro Mascagni Bouyer which exhibits review one far albeit la Jeune Italie et a remarkably in the same journal. Wagner's influence, Musicale" different from the 1892 attitude In the progressive argued the author, by Raymond from emancipation two tendencies had emerged, and naturalism, which might also be identified as Debussysme and Mascagnisme (! ), and, with ease and little sense of proBouyer juxtaposed 'le novateur de Pelleas et Melisande' to portion, 'le novateur de Cavalleria Rusticana': symbolism Debussy, nest-ce pas l'extreme reve, ultima Thule? Le mystere quasi muet des nuits sans etoiles ou 1'etrange murmure des jours neigeux? L'equivalent musical des nocturnes ebauches par James Whistler?...... Mascagni, c'est le jour criard, la lumiere crue, sans demiteintes; la vie latine c'est qui reprend conscienle document qui ce en face de la feerie germanique, veut reagir contre le symbole, le Midi qui lutte sourdement contre le Nord, sous couleur de continuer ses innovations. But Bouyer's pictorial ly concerned the subject for was appreciated esqueness ('Le tique jeune vallo qui ce qui hative'), haletants which, (Iles le Paillasse Bouyer concluded suffit and played off that 70 ce drame rus- we find again the usual according sous la trame charges de l'un, to Bouyer, of was influendes Leonca- la Tosca de l'autre, sans avenir 'tranche against ininter- denigration de Boheme paral leles 'la d'or beaucoup de reminiscences, travestis Mascagni and pictur- drape dans le plis et superficiels,... surprisingly, plus', Vies dramatique' sensualism and the indiscriminate musicale', Mascagnisme' 'etude actual- Italien du bruit, adroitement of Mascagni ä propos rehausse le verisme de l'entrain, et des Puccini, ouvrages healthy conciseness, des airs, Italie ced by 'le Verga's As to the music, rompue de l'action 'la of Cavalleria; voilä de la jalousie, des choeurs, definition its decor, du soleil natal'). ('De la facilite, and atmospheric et sans art'). de vie' D'Annunzio Not ne nous whose fame had crossed the Alps and had comfortably settled in France: Diversement latins, Pietro Mascagni et Gabriele D'Annunzio peignent tous deux la Vie sans bannir le pasFrance artiste tiche; toumais la nouvelle preferera jours celui-ci,... D'Annunzio nous attire beaucoup en nous effrayant un peu, par sa hauteur d'aristocrate par sa nature de Parnassien frenetique.. et de lettre, Mascagni apparalt et plus simple; mais plus populaire il ne suggere pas cette subtilite dans la sensualite, dans la passion; son ideal borne ne cette distinction egoisme ou de promet point ces caresses de voluptueux beaute fatale; sa muse plus honnete ignore ces perversites de sirene; Italy was actually If France preferred the 'perverse sir6ne', Verga's austere raving about the exquisite and exuberant Gabriele. and his best-selling art had never been 'popular' and pessimistic had often been appreciated for the wrong reasons as was the On his 80th birthday, L'Illustracase with Cavalleria Rusticana. (29 1920) August dedicated issue the to the Italiana entire zione stories novelist, pointed and G.A. Borgese, in an article out the superficial understanding on "La Fortuna di Verga", of that play: Cavalleria Rusticana e, senza contrasto, un capolaMa voro; e, sebbene sia un capolavoro, e popolare. di materia e d'argoE' popolaritä non c'illudiamo. il di bellezza d'arte. Quella e novella non mento, drammaincui fu allargata piacquero per sbaglio.... In Cavalleria Rusticana si bearono del pittoresco. C'era un po' di Sicilia barbara, folk-lore, usi e costumi, fichi d'India e coltelli. of could be added to Borgese's words that the melodramatization the play not only strengthened the 'wrong' factors in the popularity It but added a further bias against a full and correct apThe awareness of that was a source of reof Verga's art. preciation in his last years. sentment for the novelist After Verga's death (27 January 1922), in a celebrative article of the story, published in Nuova Antologia (1 April 1922), Francesco Paolo Mule re- he had paid to Verga in Catania some ten years earlier outburst of the novelist about Cavalleria: and quoted a bitter called a visit Una volta, chiedendogli the Cosa preparasse... insolitamente, buiö e uscl, in queste parole: 71 si rabPer chi - dovrei scrivere? Di ciö che ho scritto sopravvive la Cavalleria Rusticana, soltanto ne per virtü mia, Mascagni. Le porto, ma di Pietro quelle paginette, come un cappio al collo. Amarezza, ma dignitosa, indulgente. rassegnata, A few months later, Verga was also remembered by the Revue des Deux Mondes (15 October 1922) with a perceptive article significantly entitled let, "L'Auteur opened his de Cavalleria Rusticana". Its author, that of Verga's works regretting of the opera had overshadowed the novelist's popularity survey Louis Gil- the tremendous name: de Cavalleria Rien nest plus cdl8bre que l'opera Depuis plus de vingt-cinq Rusticana. ans, dans du monde, cette musique brutoutes les capitales le nom de Mascagni, et l'aventale a popularize de Turiddu Macca et de Santuzza ture tragique des amants immortels, au repertoire s'est jointe ä cöte de l'histoire de Manon Lescaut et de Carmen. Mais le roman de l'abbe Prevost continue de vivre au dehors de la musique de Massenet, et 1'eclatant de Bizet n'a pas fait talent oublier Au contraire, la gloire de Merimee. combien d'aude Cavalleria diteurs connaissent, au moins a 1'ele nom de Giovanni Verga? tranger, for confusing the In 1894 Eduardo Boutet had no justification libretto of Cavalleria with the text of the play: how much more re1928, late happen, to so experienced this that as should as markable the ignorance it Lawrence! Whether D. H. of complete was as a writer had for fact he that took the simply asothers granted what opera or to his own sumed as possible, Lawrence concluded the introduction translation credible of Cavalleria Rusticana and Other stories with this in- statement: Everybody knows, of course, that Verga made a Rusticana, dramatized and version of Cavalleria is the libretto that this dramatized of version little the ever-popular opera of the same name. So that Mascagni's feeble music has gone rather to immortalize a man like Verga, whose only popular claim to fame is that he wrote the aforeBut that is fame's fault, not said libretto. 44 Verga's. Although Verga's 'popularity' had been vindicated by Luigi to come, his claim to fame was still Russo with a fundamental essay (Giovan- 72 ni Verga, Napoli, narratore (Palermo, Mastro-don 1920), 1923). Gesualdo, in accepting ed, the operatic ity critical Yet, of Mascagni's 1963), John W. Klein 'for reversed, to open hostility tinged dignity ity with in Verga's times, Mascagni even contempt, and even gratitude. recollection ' long part into meeting with to position between novel- in the end, completely was gradually musician something popular- One example will (Music and Letters, whereas Verga's At the end of his of his and not particular- Verga" were, an 'obscure' subsides to the biographical' in the relationship positions for as Verga is concern- distorted. on Mascagni's condescension Campi and the controversial and Giovanni that, claims and on Verga more cautious caused Verga's evidence the initial and, finally, F. P. Mule's as far be relegated should even in recent veneration dei have been at least perspective, and factual and composer, of Vita opera has occasionally In "Pietro suffice. study attribution. incident as an unfortunate be misrepresented ist Lawrence might adaptation ly happy life. by A. Momigliano's As a translator such an arbitrary In a correct notes followed closely article, turned initial in- sympathy becomes outraged akin to humil- Klein misquotes Verga (see above) and concludes: Verga was beginning to recognize that his strange with Mascagni had been, after all, the relationship one supreme stroke of good luck in a somewhat harasan almost ideal partnership that sed existence.... had benefited both men beyond their wildest expectations.... far from being 'ideal', did, On the contrary, the 'partnership', in fact, damage both men: after his first sensational success, Mascagni remained forever a one-opera composer, though some of his later works (Ratcliff, Iris) would testify Verto a richer and finer personality; dragged into the controversy about operatic veriga was unwittingly smo and often blamed for 'faults' excess, pictures- sensationalism, queness - which were none of his own. As for Mascagni's 'contempt', an episode related by an eye-witthe composer's last word on his 'strange ness hands down to posterity It was the spring of 1922, two monrelationship' with the novelist. ths after Verga's death. Mascagni was travelling to Catania to conduct I1 Piccolo Marat at the Teatro Bellini. Giuseppe Patane and 73 some friends on the last late went to meet the composer at Messina to keep him company The conversation touched on the stretch of his journey. novelist and Mascagni expressed his sincere regret at not having been able to make it up to Verga: Ci domandb, a un certo momento: "E Verga? Lo cercai E quante volte mi sempre nei miei viaggi a Catania. domandai: - Se andassi a sonare il campanello di casa sua... Perche non potremmo essere amici, Verga ed io? " Ne era crucciato, mentre guardava attraverso il finestrino la riviera di Acitrezza e il treno scendeva tra gli agrumeti, della mariverso le ciminiere La evocazione era sincera; il rimpianna di Catania. le amicizie. 45 Altri tempi. Difficili, to, vivo. In his ship' age, Mascagni old Verga as yet with bed by Italy's another on reactionary entrenched Mascagni found little of his most popular ("Il cinquantenario ignored positions for reason della he wrote and music for in general, anniversary the Nuova Antologia in musics", Rusticana Snub- by the critics, on the fiftieth rejoicing Cavalleria 'partner- and grudge. or censured about opera An article work. of bitterness source composers, younger his youthful came to consider 16 January 1940) is full reminiscences and acrimonious comments on of nostalgic (for not including his operas in their directors season pro- artistic Cavalleria Verga's from made was to authorize felt article, 'il that ii siastic bel filme'. Isa Poli, use of 'splendid of Verga's his work better resentment, hatred for popular his than Mascagni 'poor' quoted Cortese, Carlo as befitting 'worn about put societä (featuring detecting in the unsympathetic in contamihad enthu- first-rate and welcomed the character 46 In formulas'. a long-nourished reviewer: Per Dio! Che razza di milza debbono avere i redatdel Mattino di Napoli se per cinquant'anni tori si corpo in tenuti tanto odio per la mia povera son 74 it the original out melodramatic a Nea- produttrice by Mascagni Ninchi), 'for refused the avrebbe and the film over-reacted, opera della Cavalleria review story music' asked Mascagni as Mascagni claimed, d'onore titolo The Mattino Leonardo the producer but then he complained which maggior In 1939 a film reviewers. The composer firmly music. reasons'; comments on Verga's artists: which la musica della t di non aver voluto nato for I1 Mattino, newspaper, politan his the use of his and deeply personal and even film critics grammes), malevolent in questo moCavalleria e si sono sfogati proprio mento in cui qualche anima buona e generosa intende antipatica commemorare una data che non pub riuscire al nostro popolo. And people would still acclaim Mascagni as the author of Cavalleria when he conducted anniversary performances of his opera in Rome (Teatro dell'Opera, 5 March 1940), Milan (La Scala, 12 April 1940) had 1929, Accademia d'Italia Mussolini's In in theatres. and other in the company welcomed the composer as a member and vice-president, of Umberto Giordano and Lorenzo Perosi. 75 Chapter 3 VERGA AND CAPUANAAS LIBRETTISTS 1. Puccini and La Lupa: Chronicle of an Abortive Project The project between Verga and Puccini goes back of collaboration to 1891, in the wake of the ever-growing popularity of Mascagni's CaThe publisher Rusticana. valleria man as well as a refined after all, promote, and, wishing to beat Verga in order and have it At that zogno and Mascagni over leria ize the arrogant ing himself Verdi's with with was to go smoothly but it cerned, Europe, a finer he undertook as far with desolate fields and scorched glorious'House from Vita story musician to with SonCaval- earnings too happy to antagoncomposer by provid- and Verga signed of the fatal and colla- The project and Ricordi irresoluteness of a contract the story versification. the agonizing Campi to Puccini. under the auspices to dramatize the character dei in the controversy and was only in its opera a verismo Sonzogno at his.. own game, he as the two colleagues soon met with when he came to grips his and the ungrateful De Roberto Federico that share of the substantial for by which a shrewd.. business- to be offered La Lupa was chosen, publisher. borate his entrepreneur a libretto Ricordi rival to choose another over all was reaping his Verga was involved time, for thing a libretto into turned Ricordi, realized connoisseur, a disreputable was not, contacted Giulio were conof Puccini woman from the of Sicily. and second thoughts are well documented by the correspondence between Verga and De Roberto on one side, and Puccini and Ricordi on the other, covering a large part (14 April Negotiations, decisions 1893-13 July 1894) of the delicate transition phase, in the composer's (Turin, Manon Teatro from Lescaut the success of great production, Regio, 1 February 1893) to the composition of La Boheme. The proof La Lupa and Bohemewere carried on simultaneously for some time until Puccini decided to drop the former and completed Murger's jects "Scenes" in December 1895. as he was with the lengthy and unpredictable process of an opera, Verga set himself to work and, by the end of Unfamiliar of creation 76 1891, he finished the first draft Meanof his "Scene drammatiche". while, Ricordi was shopping around for more options to store up for his favourite composer. On 13 January 1892, Verga wrote to De Roberto somewhat resentfully: I1 Commendatore [Ricordi] a piü fine the mai. Non solo non so piü nulla dells Lupa, ma so the ha acdi trarre un libretto dalla quistato it diritto Tosca pel Puccini... (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 124)1 During 1892, while Verga and De Roberto worked on the libretto, Puccini was entirely taken by the composition of Manon Lescaut, comThen came the premiere of the opera in February pleted in October. 1893, so it was not until the spring that Verga could inform De Roberto that contacts friend: had been resumed. On 14 April 1893 he wrote to his Puccini mi ha scritto the delle modificazioni the desidera alla Lupa ne parleremo al mio ritorno a Milano, in giugno, e the adesso sta musicando la Boheme. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 28) As time passed, Verga's scepticism about Puccini's willingness On the other hand, the changes requirto set his play grew stronger. ed by the composer already betrayed his uneasiness with Vergas artisAfter Ricordi, the novelist a meeting with the solicitous reported his impressions to De Roberto and expressed his conviction that they were wasting time with Puccini: tic world. Tabiano, 15 luglio 1893 Sono stato dal Commendatore... mi ha chiesto qualla che mutamento al libretto meno proverbi, e parte di Maricchia allargata e resa piü tenera Risposi si sul primo punto, ma nel 20 atto. quanto al secondo, se Maricchia al 20 atto non e finisce il dramma. E Rigelosa e non si ribella Ad ogni modo siccome qualche cordi ne conviene. piccola modificazione volevo giä fare al taglio delle scene, promisi di occuparmene qui, e di conMa intanto gli certare poi al ritorno con lui. dissi il fatto mio. Son persuaso che Puccini non sente quel dramma, e che perderemo il tempo inutilmente con lui. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, 77 p. 125) Ricordi he and Verga would corner that promised e non vuole", and force the meantime, Puccini the opera at La Scala Puccini's interest in February he was still Londonin May), In April the correspondence frequent as the novelist travelling and pestering on to the premiere following In the four of months, with Luigi momentum, up a certain Manon Lescaut (Budapest in March, Illica of Boheme. about the libretto between Verga and De Roberto became more came under pressure from the volatile composQ. Verga had gone a long way 0h( his willingness to make "qualche piccola modificazione... pletely rearranged original April 1894. ever more tri- supervising leading In all. in La Lupa seemed to pick although er. extensively of Manon Lescaut umphant performances mind once and for him to make up his travelled "che vuole Puccini, his al taglio first draft play led to a completely 1894 Verga wrote from Milan ni da fare al libretto" delle scene". of La Lupa. new layout impatience in fact, com- The new form of the of the to De Roberto and Puccini's He had, libretto. about "le On 7 modificazio- to start: Prima di tutto datti la pena di leggere attentanella mente il manoscritto del dramma originario, nuova forma che ho voluto dargli e che sembrami d'assai preferibile alla prima .... Confronta poi il libretto nuovo schema di the ti unisco al vecraccapezzarti chio, e dopo un pol ti sari facile sui brani da omettere e sulle aggiunte da fare... Per le trasposizioni ti sari di norma lo schema i mio... Nel nuovo cerca di variare al possibile Per metri, come dice il Puccini. e farli rotti, di ha furia accontentarlo, adesso se vuoi, giacche cominciare, potresti mandarmi di mano in mano ciascuna scena, a misura che ti esce dalla penna. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 126) So, each successive stage in the elaboration of the play was motivatinto a feasible ed and largely conditioned by its parallel conversion libretto for Puccini. It is also clear from this letter that De limited to the versificaRoberto's part in the project was strictly of the material elaborated or altered by Verga. Less than a by De Roberto, Verga put more pressure answering a letter week later, on his collaborator who shared his own scepticism about Puccini's real intentions: tion Milano, 13 Aprile '94 Puccini. to ci devo credere a forza adesso, perchb mi ha messo in stato di assedio, e viene alle 9 di 78 Ci credo mattina a chiedere se hai mandato nulla. tanto che mi son messo a lavorarvi intorno,... Dunque fa presto, e manda quello che hai fatto, magari di scena in scena, subito. Toglimi quest'incubo. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 127) As to the final outcome of their joint venture, in case Puccini should drop out, Verga stated, in the same letter, his firm intention to go ahead with the play and get it performed anyway, even before the opera: impegnarmi... far non voglio a non rappresentare ... il mio dramma prima che vada in scena l'opera. AnI mutamenti zi, farö il possibile per darlo prima. li ho fatti e stavo per dire gli abbellimenti al mio lavoro a questo scopo, e non vorrei farli seppellire sotto il pan-pan della musica. By this pi time, had acquired the dramatization importance of the author, merits and artistic such as to make him wish that the pan-pan ated without of the story of the music, from Vita its of they Cam- own in the eyes be appreci- should Puccini's whether dei or anyone Anyway, in a third in the month letter to De Roberto, later else's. (28 April 1894), Verga, about to leave Milan for Catania, confirmed that things were going smoothly: il Puccini va via anche lui in Toscana, e siamo ... perfettamente intesi con lui e il Ricordi sul da fare.... Stavolta la cosa sembra the vada seriamente. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 128) Verga was to get together De Roberto with and work on the in Catania second act of La Lupa and the revision of the first. sion of the libretto would then be sent to Ricordi. er's quarters right way. at Torre With his was constantly del Lago, half-hearted in touch by a postcard ing during they the "Latin things sent had discussed for to In the composLa Lupa, in Milan the second tableau after Torre del Lago, 9 giugno 1894 Avrai veduto Ricordi 79 e gli His a meet- of the opera, Quarter": Caro Gigi, grazie tua letters. the Puccini of Boheme. the libretto Illica ver- were not going towards attitude Illica with mood is revealed which however, The final Pensa al finale avrai comunicato trovata latina. lo per ora lupeggio. e all'ultimo. The curious sort neologism that suggests of amusing experiment rather the composition than the end of that month, Sicily to see Verga in Catania in order libretto local him. with gate Sicilian the natural folklore. habitat ic transfiguration towards He also take atmosphere, further Puccini wanted to familiarize concessions of La Lupa until after the with places, investi- realization of sensed behind the artist- than Verga's reluctance no less on the text, of the himself must have been the full that finally convinced the VQ i ofký tt -o rv Wf del Lago, he wrote an apo- He composer to drop the project. ka1t but to Torre as soon as he returned logetic letter to Ricordi in which he motivated the composition details of characteristic of the libretto, by to go down to and discuss of La Lupa, previously Yet, pursuit. decided unexpectedly photographs It a serious of La Lupa was a his decision the performance to delay of Verga's play: Dopo ritornato dalla Sicilia e dopo le conferenze La Lupa le con Verga, invece di essere animato-per dubbi mi hanno assalito confesso che mille e mi fanla decisione no decidere a temporeggiare di musicarlo sino all'andata in scena del dramma. Le ragioni del libretto sono "la dialogicitä" spinta al massimo grado, i"caratteri antipatici, senza una sola figura luminosa, Speravo simpatica, che campeggi. che Verga mi mettesse piü in luce e considerazione il personaggio di Mara, ma ý stato impossibile dato l'impianto del dramma... Solo t il tempo perduto che mi accuora, ma lo riprenderb buttandomi a Bohýme il a corpo morto. .. Per La Lupa e meglio attendere 3 il darä del dramma. giudizio che pubblico According to Puccini's friends and early biographers, Guido Marotti and Ferruccio Pagni, a chance meeting on board the ship which took the composer back to Livorno from Sicily may have had some in4 fluence on his decision to drop La Lupa. During the voyage he made the acquaintance of Wagner's stepdaughter, Countess Blandine Gravina, the second child of Cosima Liszt and Hans von Billow. In the conversation, Puccini was questioned about his projects and he mentioned La Lupa, much to the horror of the distinguished lady who reportedly urged him to give it up: "Guardatevene, maestro: vi porterebbe dis- 80 Mischiare-la grazia! gue, con quello di lussuria e di sanmusica a un fatto della processione! " Be as it may, religioso vostra sfondo his the composer would never risk From that ture and Giacosa on a subject he found on the public. of definiV the struc(with became Puccini's La Boheme sole occupation of 5 as his victims and Rico rdi as their moderator). moment the excruciating and incidents Illica to be tested and which was yet uncongenial reputation process As to Verga, he returned to Milan in Augus. 1894 and, still unaware of the latest turn in his operatic venture, he announced the completion of his play in an interview given to the young writer Ugo OjetIt was not until December 1895 that Puccini completed La Boheme and, by a curious coincidence, the two works were premiered in the same city, Turin, within days of each other: the opera at the Teatro ti. Regio on 1 February, La Lupa at the Teatro Gerbino on 26 January 1896. Neither Puccini nor Ricordi ever informed Verga or De Roberto that Verga's growing disillusionment their project was definitely off. is documented by a letter he complains to De Roberto, about Puccini's dated 25 June 1895, in which elusiveness: fatto e non it Puccini ha vedo anch'io the non .. farä mai nulla per la Lupa. Ma perche non parlar chiaro e confessare the non a nelle sue corde? [e] Ho riletto it contratto, sino al e visto the giugno dell'anno venturo not dobbiamo aspettare it buon estro the non gli verrä mai. E cos! sia. (Versa-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 29) The contract libretto by Verga with signed the exclusive Fortunately the play text. As pressure mounted for audience, Verga realized could that four years of the publishing property 1896. Ricordi before June house until go ahead independently his made the second confrontation the chances of seeing of its with twin a Turin La Lupa as an ope- His last letter to De Roberto on the matter was writra were now nil. ten from Turin on 16 January 1896, a few days before the opening night of the play. Almost with relief, Verga informed his friend: Giacosa e stato a Parigi per combinare con Sardou, d'incarico di Ricordi, circa la Tosca, the deve ese sere versificata e ridotta per musics da Illica e Giacosa, e musicata dal Puccini. I1 contratto fissato, e addio Lupa di conseguenza. to concludo the tutto il male non viene per nuocere, poiche il Puccini non la sentiva - non dico non se la sentiva. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 130) 81 sense of the and his unfailing led him to keep clear of tastes and moods of the public had finally Verga's uneven drama of lust and incest only to fall, within a few years, into the coils of Sardou's gruesome melodrama of sex and sadism. Puccini's In 1895 Ricordi his colleague's grounds of its libretto candidates play instinct theatrical offered declared La Lupa to Mascagni who, well aversion monotony and lack of La Lupa was still the libretto, refused it on the 6 As late as 1908 the of lyricism. for waiting for seemed to be coming from France had in the meantime been performed. mentioned in aletter Verga wrote aware of a composer, and the only and Germany where Verga's Two foreign to Dina di Sordevolo librettists are on 25 January 1908: infatti, Da Parigi dopo la Lupa mi scrive Cain ii librettista della Cabrera, se non erro, o dell'altra opera premiata dal concorso Sonzogno, e librettista pure di altre opere di Massenet, per chiedermi di collaborare della stessa Lupa per a un libretto un giovane maestro francese 1. o premio di Roma. Anche l'Eisenschitz mi scrive nello stesso senso per e Io rispondo the it libretto un maestro tedesco. di tradurlo, se mai, giä fatto e si potrebbe parlare ma intanto passo le due lettere a Ricordi per decidere; poiche non a giusto the se il libretto non sia robs pel dente di Puccini, non possa giovare ad al7 tri. Some time later, the libretto composer, was set by a modest Sicilian 8 La The "Tragedia lirica" Pierantonio Tasca from Noto (Siracusa). Lupa may have been written around 1910, not later than 1915 (March 7), the date of a letter by Verga to Dina di Sordevolo who must have inquired about Tasca's opera; Verga answered: La Lupa e stata musicata infatti dal maestro Tasca di Noto, ma non potevo parlarvene perche sinora maldel Maestro, nessun Teatro ha grado ogni tentativo accettato di darla, e il successo di cui vi parlö vostra cognata deve essere stato un successo di piain audizione privata, noforte soltanto, purtroppo. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 29) succeeded in having his opera performed at the Teatro Massimo of Palermo in May 1919, with Elvira Magliulo in the title role, but it all came to nothing because the composer was dissatis- Tasca nearly 82 fied with the general standard of the rehearsals and withdrew his ope9 It A libretto for that occasion. ra at the last minute. was printed was not until in Noto, premiered open-air 1932, two years theatre thanks Tasca's to the generosity of the Littoriale, of the libretto new edition before with was published death, that of a local the opera was patron, in the Giulia Tess as la Lupa. (Rosario Caruso, Noto, A 1932) and the first audience performance on 21 August was acclaimed by a sympathetic from every corner of the island. The sucof 10,000 Sicilians cess was renewed on two more nights, di Sicilia, retto 2. and the Catania of the event with 10 of the opera. gave ample coverage and favourable The short story, reviews the play and the libretto daily, articles Il Popolo on the lib- of La Lupa Between the story and the play of Cavalleria Rusticana there are less than four years, whereas the play and the libretto of La Lupa 10 over years after the publication written of the short story. were At the time of the dramatization the concessions made of Cavalleria, few: by the author to the requirements of the stage were relatively more edge to the sentimental contrast between Santuzza and Turiddu, to provide a social background of the chorus of villagers and adequate response to the main action, toning down of the economic The basic ingredients component in the psychology of the characters. freshinto their the the exotic story original of passed play with all introduction As such they were underof an avantgarde piece. stood and appreciated by the public at large, while the specialists, like Giacosa, admired the vividness of the dialogues and the quick ness and the novelty and atonement were impressively portrayed pace at which transgression in the nine "Scene popolari". In the intervening years Verga had to realize the nature and limits of the success of Cavalleria, and the fiasco of In portineria (1885) was to strengthen his mistrust in the theatre as an art form his This brought to a standstill as well as in actors and audiences. for the theatre which, besides the "Scene popoproject of a trilogy dealing with the Milanese urban lari siciliane", and In portineria 83 proletariat, was to include a play set in an upper class environment. At the time'of the first performance of La Lupa his mood was one of Writing to the playwright Sabatino Lopez regret and apprehension. about the rehearsals in Turin, of the play Verga expressed his own anxiety: ho una paura puttana, 1'uvi confesso che visto ... more del pubblico... e i precedenti che mi ha lasciati il successo morboso della Cavalleria, che mi e riY-1 masto sullo stomaco. Since the project 'morbid' success of reforming the ic theories applied and theatre critic tion in his Felice to prove "coi fatti, was finally plot lection 14 91). cises of bourgeois As usual, for Verga's had started of the last short After dealing of La Lupa, dramatization of Vita dei That largely of La Lu a, discussed with the objective interview completion the theatre, with of the trilogy opened by del providing the in the new col(18d'Arce capitano in a way, preparatory Gesualdo of the novel a return and consequently to cope with although Verga of the Defeated", The aristocracy. represented scale (1889), exer- "Cycle the Sicilian the substantial below, how of the public's Mastro-don with adapted for accounts e le chiacchiere" Campi at a time when Verga's were being in experiments and the story were, therefore, moving upwards in the social and language his regardless I ricordi on the third La Duchessa di Leyra, at the same time as "Dramma intimo", stories novels. play in 1890, stories the short working ly verismo be pursued, he reiterated while with teorie should was included, and characters But, to continue dropped aesthet- of the theatre as 1884, as early pits the colle of the theatre 13 The writing response. of the inferiority the novel. with to Zola a renewal Cavalleria intrinsic determination his in the light his In a letter to his friend works. in 1888, he described that inten- Cameroni, expressed already Verga had reconsidered theatre narrative form in comparison Verga stressed order Italian because of the as a 'whim' as an art ideas of Cavalleria, interests his a different alterations Verga implicitly to the ear- style, were imagery subject-matter. in the character justified them limitations In the of the theatre as an art form. (August 1894), after the announcement of the Ugo Ojetti of La Lupa, being asked whether Verga replied: 84 he now wrote preferably for Ho scritto ma non lo credo certamente pel teatro, superiore una forma d'arte al romanzo, anzi lo stiinferiore mo una forma d'arte e primitiva, sopra Due tutto per alcune ragioni the dirb meccaniche. dell'intermediario tra massimamente: la necessitä la necessitä di scridell'attore; autore e pubblico, ideale come avviene nel rovere non per un lettore manzo, ma per un pubblico radunato a folla cos! da dover pensare a una media di intelligenza e di gusE to, a un average reader, come dicono gli inglesi. fuori questa media ha tutto the gusto e intelligenza: eosT5poco ne ha, 6 variabilissima col tempo e col luo- No matter how questionable the idea of the inferiority of the theatre may be, and even allowing for the inadequacy of actors to cope with to come), and the existence unconventional works (producers were still of half-witted is artistically audiences, there is no doubt that the play of La Lupa inferior to the short story, and the libretto even more so. The project of an opera libretto place, motiwhich, in the first the original vated Verga's work, posed two main problems: retaining elements of the story while making them palatable to an 'average' theatre audience of the-1890s; providing genuine folkloric material A for a veristic musical characterization avoiding spurious and dialect song or the "Siciliana". pieces like Mascagni's carter's the story of La Lupa belongs to the long creative process of I Malavoglia, though not in terms of thematic affinity - as the subject was entirely original and was suggested to Verga by Capuana - but rather for the aura of mythical remoteness, for the data in a legendary, transfiguration of the circumstantial artistic Like Cavalleria, The genesis originality. primeval ambience, and for the linguistic of the character of Pina, la Lupa, was disclosed by Capuana in his enthusiastic review of Vita dei Campi where he defined La Lupa as the best story in the collection: Quella Lupa io 1'ho conosciuta. Tre mesi fa, tra le colline di S. Margherita, su quel di Mineo, passavo pel luogo dov'era una volta il pagliaio di lei, fra gli ulivi.... Ella abitava 11 per dei mesi interi, specie nel settembre e nell'ottobre, quando i fichi d'India erano maturi.... Ora il pagliaio e diMa di collina deserto. strutto, e quell'angolo ... non era il ricordo della vera Lupa che mi faceva evocare con tanta emozione la sua pallida figura 85 dagli occhi neri come it carbone, dalle labbra fresche e rosse the vi mangiavano, no; era la Lupa dell'arte, la Lupa creata dal Verga the sopraffaceva quella della realtä e me la metteva sotto gli occhi Tanto a vero the piü viva della viva quand'era viva. 16 Parte non sarä mai la fotograf i a! In his description of la Lupa, Capuana singled which most frequently as coal', recur lips, and the 'so fresh hanced by the woman's pale obsessive ity recurrence and the red lips, together Verga's with her 'firm the symbols of the woman's elemental, restrained, vitalistic drive women dread her presence traits which Fury. of rural all-pervasive la Lupa the fixThe black breast', sensuality, her victims. themselves and cross gives 17 enThe stillness. and vigorous enthralls 'black they would eat you', and her habitual referential a sort the eyes, story: and red that complexion of those figure, of an archetypal throughout out the two attributes eyes become an un- The village whenever she is around husbands and sons from her evil charm, because la dietro Lupa 'se li tirava alla gonnella solamente a guardarli con que18 Those eyes enslave Nanni, the young man gli occhi di satanasso'. in love with, until he finds the strength to exorcise she has fallen to protect this their demonic creature by killing her with his axe, still spellbound by her black eyes. As she walks defiantly towards her executioner, in the middle of the green corn fields, the red of her lips recedes into sheaves of poppies the woman holds in her hands: La Lupa lo vide venire, pallido e straCu%ato, colla scure che luccicava al sole, e non si arretrö di un sol passo, non chinb gli occhi, seguitö ad andargli incontro, colle mani piene di manipoli di papaveri rossi, e mangiandoselo cogli occhi neri. is the scene of a sacrificial ritual of purification: red and black have now become metaphors of sinful love and death, or better, of transgression and atonement. Nanni is as much a victim as he is an execuIt tioner, looking 'pale and distraught' as he raises his axe to fulfil la Lupa's final wish of self-destruction. As Capuana put it in his review, 'la Lupa dell'arte', Verga's transcends the real-life own creation, adventure' womanwhose 'tragic the writer purports to narrate. The verismo of the story consists, in fact, in its artistic truthfulness which makes the protagonist 86 'more real than the real environmental conjure mediately and uses them as an identity the presence of any of them can im- details and psychosomatic so that card of the protagonist, up the eerie figure of la Lupa. Sicilian the immense and desolate country, ('greco di e levante di gennaio, oppure scirocco by the sun ('Nei campi immensi, dove scoppiettava tat is dei like quando it grilli a 'hungry hazy wildnerness misty volcano, batteva sole she-wolf' a piombo'). when the fields whose only is set Verga combines woman when she was alive'. co-ordinates as a backdrop for habi- Her natural swept by the winds agosto') soltanto or scorched it volo There she roves are ablaze A and deserted. are the sky and Etna, the seduction about the of Nanni: la gnä Pina era la cola anima viva the si vedesse delle errare per la campagna, sui sassi infuocati fra le stoppie riarse dei campi immensi, viottole, lontan lontano, verso the si perdevano nell'afa, l'Etna nebbioso, dove il cielo si aggravava all'orizzonte. disse la Svegliati! Lupa..., ho ti the portato la gola. il vino per rinfrescarti Nanni spalancA gli occhi imbambolati, fra veglia pallida, col e sonno, trovandosela dinanzi ritta, petto prepotente, e gli occhi neri come il carbone, mani. e stese brancolando'le With unique mastery, Verga brings together the almost supernatural image of the lonely 'living soul'x4detit1l n the immense fields ditch, harvester in dusty the the a of asleep picture realistic with in the afternoon heat of a summer day. La Lupa appears to him in all him wine as an aphrodisiac. The young man, her awful beauty, offering exhausted and bewildered, as if he were in the presence of a Gorgonlike creature, hides his face in the dry grass of the ditch, sobbing 'Andatevene! Andatevene! ', inexorably bewitched by those desperately: le trecAnd her 'riannodando she away, walks sure of conquest, eyes. ce superbe, guardando fisso dinanzi ai suoi passi nelle stoppie calde, The woman is at one with the natucogli occhi neri come it carbone'. ral environment; she is almost an anthropomorphic emanation of the 'hot stubbles' from which she emerges to tempt Nanni and into which she disappears. Living hard daily on the fringe of the rural community, la Lupa shares the labour which brutalizes men and women ('la Lupa aff astel- lava manipoli su manipoli, e covoni su covoni, 87 senza stancarsi mai, le labbra al senza accostare un momento sulla vita, senza rizzarsi fiasco'), but she is naturally of the comexcluded from the rituals ('Per la Lupa non veniva mai in chiesa, fortuna ne a Pasqua, ne munity a Natale, an outcast ter and socially who feels She is morally on her daughreflects messa, ne per confessarsi'). ne per ascoltar Her condition a misfit. discriminated against in the village: Maricchia, poveretta, buona e brava ragazza, piandella Lupa, e geva di nascosto, perche era figlia nessuno 1'avrebbe tolta in moglie, sebbene ci avesse la sua bella roba nel cassettone, e la sua buona terra al sole. Consistently the scanty with the psychology of the characters, dialogues of the story are like sudden flashes in the uniform and subBreaking her beguiling silence, La Lupa utters dued narrative context. pronounced as they are curt, final statements which admit no retort, tone: 'Se non lo pigli ti ammazzo!', she says in a peremptory, wilful to accept the man her between her teeth to Maricchia who is reluctant mother wants to impose on her; 'Ammazzami, the non me ne importa; ma says la Lupa to Nanni who threatens to senza di to non voglio starci', kill her if she comes back to tempt him. The best line in the story, example of the mythical language of la Lupa, is and the most striking her answer to Nanni's question: 'Che volete, gnä Pina? ' She has been loves. One keep heels frantically the to the hay at of she man cutting dozing floor, the the threshing she other men are on while evening, answers him: Te voglio! Te the sei bello Voglio te! come il miele. come il sole, e dolce The specular structure of the phrase, with the repetition of the verb 'voglio' conveys the and the postponement of the object pronoun 'te', in Pina's for the the middle, the phrase of passion man; weight whole being a popular poetic similes - the first opens up to two archaically Sicilian expression - which colourand soften the 'te' with tenderness la For harsh figure the of sensual yearning. once, sullen and and Lupa is tinged but her soft approach only prowith sentimentalism, la light-hearted from the so and man, a mocking response vokes young Lupa falls back into her reticence: 88 e figlia, Ed io invece vostra che voglio vitella; rispose Nanni ridendo. La Lupa si caccib le mani nei capelli, grattandosi le tempie senza dir parola, e se ne andö; ne piü comparve nell'aia. Just as the space dimension of the story creates a sense of and stillness, so time references provide the vastness, isolation necessary pauses to release the tension built up by the segments of to define the mythical character of the speech, or contribute la After introduce the three opening paragraphs which narration. Lupa, Maricchia and their relation with the social environment of 'Una the actual narration begins in a fairy tale style: the village, direct la Lupa si innamorb di un bel ragazzo the era tornato da solda' It is June, harvest time, and the summer heat is used as a After brief Pina's desire. the sexual exchange of propoof metaphor sitions between Pina and Nanni quoted above, she leaves him. The next volta to.... to him is in October, tempo the cavavano f'olio', The first section of the story cloand she offers him her daughter. lo Maricchia: 'Se la Lupa's terrible threat to non pigli ti ses with ammazzo!'. time she talks 'al time reference introduces the second section which No explicit it is key: Lupa but 'La ', in clear era quasi malata.... a minor starts Maricchia and Nanni have been married that a few years have elapsed. la Lupa lives with them and seems to for some time and have children; have changed her life style because of her lovesickness: Non andava piü di qua e di lä; non si metteva piü Suo con quegli occhi da spiritata gesull'uscio piantava in faccia quegli nero, quando ella glieli occhi, si metteva a ridere. Pina has been period of apparent subjugation, brooding over her passion for her son-in-law which ultimately exin la in heat Lupa finds her the summer old self when again plodes the sultry fields and moves to the seduction of Nanni. Here the time in is Sicilian 'In fra e nona, a proverb: quell'ora vespero reference In fact, during this cui non ne va in volta femmina buona', meaning the early afternoon hours, the hottest time of the day, haunted by evil spirits, accordThe incestuous relationship ing to popular superstition. goes on for some months, bringing jealousy and despair 89 to Maricchia: Maricchia piangeva notte e giorno, e alla madre le piantava in faccia gli occhi ardenti di lagrime e di gelosia, come una lupacchiotta anch'essa, quando la vedeva tornare da' campi pallida e muta ogni volta. She even goes to the 'brigadiere' begging for help of the Carabinieri but la Lupa refuses to move out of her own house. 'E' la tentazione dell'inferno! ', says Nanni to the 'brigadiere' who tries to talk him out of that mess. 'Poco dopo', Nanni gets kicked in the chest by his mule and is The village priest refuses to take him the Communion about to die. if la Lupa is still in the house, so she moves out. Nanni repents Yet the perverse fascination and eventually recovers. of those eyes haunts him. The last time reference is Easter: 'A Pasqua [Nanstill ' e poi, come la Lupa tornava a tentarlo... ni] andb a confessarsi,... He confesses and does his penance, but that won't help him. The vague 'e poi' steers the narration back into the fairy-tale style for its tragic conclusion in the green corn fields strewn with red poppies. The story, therefore, consists of two narrative sections, each of events covering a few months, divided by a gap of The episodes of the 'brigadiere' and the village priest some years. counterbalance the mythical element with the realistic one in the story. (against the law of They stress the gravity of Pina's transgression with a series of the vilmen and the law of God), and endorse the moral indignation lagers. So Nanni's resort to violence is not only a private gesture but a cathartic rite on behalf of the whole community. The narrative functionsynthesis of the short story is strictly That emblematic figof the protagonist. al to the artistic portrayal details ure is built up through the accumulation of few impressionistic and their obsessive reiteration as well as the exclusion of any explapassage which would upset the delicate balance natory or transitional between myth and reality and diffuse the tension of the narration. D. H. Lawrence overlooked this point when he wrote in the Preface to his own translation of Vita dei Campi: in Cavalleria Rusticana and in La Lupa we are just ... a bit too much aware of the author and his scissors. He has clipped too much away. The transitions are too abrupt. All is over in a gasp: whereas a story like La Lupa covers at least several years of time. 90 As a matter of fact, we-need more looseness.... Verga's deliberate pasmissing-out of transition And for sages is, it seems to me, often a defect. this reason a story like La Lupa loses a great deal It may be a masterpiece of its life. of concision, It is but it is hardly a masterpiece of narration. so short, our acquaintance with Nanni and Marijghia is so fleeting, them almost at once. we forget That is precisely how Verga wants us to react: be haunted by the fatal figure her insatiable eyes, Maricchia Sicily. elemental la Lupa alone, her hands full the hazy sky and the misty against Lupa's black of volcano and Nanni are only sensuality staring of poppies; at Nanni with or silhouetted on the parched sketched and tremendous our memory is to fields out as victims of of la will-power. The "Scene drammatiche in due atti" of La Luna and the libretto are closely modelled on the pattern of the short story: the two acts correspond to the two sections, divided by a gap of a few years during which Mara and Nanni get married and have a son. But an analysis of the two texts and their comparison with the story leave us in no 20 doubt about Verga's modest performance as a librettist. The innovatory narrative technique which was the major asset of The chromatic the story becomes an encumbrance in the dramatization. imagery, the subtle use of time and space references, speech interspersed with flashes of dialogue, have to be discarded. La Lupa has to interact with other characters and supernatural the free indirect all and make her thoughts and actions instantly apprehensible to an audience. In the process of rationalization of Pina's behaviour, Verga deprives the character of her enigmatic charm and, above all, of that dynamism which so forcibly leads to the catastrophe in the Consequently, he has to resort to external devices, such as a story. festival, to push the play through to its tragic ending. religious For the obvious compression of the action in the dramatization, fatalistic the first Act starts at dusk on the threshing floor of a farm and ends late at night, with an important variation in the original sequence of events: the seduction of Nanni and the incest take place before the marriage, when Mara has only been promised to the young man. The 91 finale change does provide an effective duces the gravity of the transgression. of Mara and Nanni's courtyard Friday and reaches the ensuing cession public its altercation moving along festivity, set house, climax for somehow reset in the in the morning starts of Good from the fields return Mara and Nanni, with but it The second Act, Pina's with Act I, counterpointed the street outside the house. against the private events and by a pro- The religious of the story, and creates and atonement, and brings in the choral (the the of play has nine well individualized response villagers minor The urban and ethical characters, reduced to seven in the libretto). an atmosphere of repentance of the green corn fields, ambience, instead overtones of the final and makes it story st a background act of violence a sordid of religious Like the play Cavalleria series so poetically and desperate the symbolic obliterates crime hinted of passion at in the set again- bigotry. Rusticana, La Lupa is organized as a scenes and duets: of choral PLAY LIBRETTO ACT I Sc. 1 villagers 2 same + Nanni 3 same + Pina 4 same + Mara 5 same less Mara 6 same + Mara Sc. 1 villagers 2 same + Nanni 3 same + Pina 4 same + Mara 5 Janu/Nanni/Nunzio 7 Pina/Nanni 8 Pina/Mara 9 Pina/Nanni Sc. 1 Mara/Nanni 2 same + villagers 3,4 same + Pina 5 Mara/Pina 6,7 same + villagers 8 Janu/Nanni 9 same + Pina 10 Nanni/Pina 6 Pina/Nanni 7 Pina/Mara 8 Pina/Nanni ACT II Sc. 1 Mara/Nanni 2 same + villagers 3,4 same + Pina 5 Mara/Pina 6,7 same + villagers 8 Mara/Nanni 9 same + Janu 10 same + Pina 11 Nanni/Pina (1-5 1-6 in the libretto) define the soscenes the duets develop cial environment and introduce the main characters; In Act II, the alternate succession of duets and choral the action. There is something mechanical in scenes builds up the catastrophe. In Act I, the choral this sort of structure since the static 92 character of the choral scenes does not blend with the sudden thrusts of the duets, and the dramatic build-up is discontinuous. Besides, Puccini's to the excesobjection (see 13 libretto letter Ricordi his to the sive 'dialogicitä' of of July 1894) points the duets: Yet, it Puccinian story. We owe it into something part 'allargata De Roberto short short e resa piü tenera 'solo' '93). incorporates echoed by a 'Tutti' Mara role insistence if Mara, in the short Mara is turned The composer wanted her (see Verga's letter 20 atto' to victim. nel In Act sc. expansion. in particular: one character to Puccini's of an operatic of 15 July because it for of structure who had a marginal figure, largely in the dialogical enough moments of lyrical does not provide Verga made some concessions a potentially est flaw to a serious 4-5-6 I, sc. 4 of the of the play), libretto (the Mara is given longa of the peasants: (canticchiando, rivolta Luna, bianca luna alla luna) tu che splendi quando imbruna, in un mese vecchia e nuova, danne tu la buona nuova. Teased by Nanni who insinuates that the 'good news' is that soon get married, Mara answers with four more lines: Mara she may (tristemente) 0 no, compare Nanni, v'ingannate s'ora credete questo. Canto, cosi... Voi pur non cantate? Per me, zitella recto. The conclusion of scene 4 is also ý. her with a short invocation to . 'Mary, Mother of God', echoed by the women of the group. Scene 4 of the play, on the contrary, is closed by Mara's brusque reply to Nanni after various jocular Mara remarks on the moon from other peasants: (voltandogli le spalle) Io non voglio maritarmi. (entra nella capanna) for lyrical scene 1 provides another opportunity expansion. Nanni and Mara are reconciled; boy is being dressed as their little an angel for the Good Friday procession; so Mara expresses her happiIn Act II, ness and faith in God's mercy. Furthermore, the end of sc. 7 of the play is reshaped into a separate duet Mara/Nanni (sc. 8 in the libret- 93 to) in order however, to give than Verga was prepared and consideration' the best of this the tense comes out, in Verga's of the play (I, 8; II, 4,5), character dialogues able to recapture 'lupacchiotta' some of the defence passionate What really and linguistic best modifications be explained ristic creature aberration different of the story quarrelsome has been scaled attachment Pina is still ('sono of self-pity come un cane... ('Le criticism by passion, la Lupa a vero.... ruled come meandrebbero can early ve- and the libretto, the mythical, picture: down to a languorous, is now an sensuality in the conflict especially uninhibitedly, she is capable vive! ', 'Sono 1,7; in the play), bruciate Al- feelings. sono una coca vile', 11,3, the re- which his to Nanni and her maternal un cane senza padrone', madri of, is not with towards woman; her instinctive she has been made conscious Mara's story the main characters, la Lupa of the play an entirely with between her insane though for as the psychological changed attitude When we consider works. coquettish, Verga's with we are confronted ferine affecting is when the author justifiable and the opera, theatre of the prose way, in own veristic of the story alterations, Indeed, to allow. of her man and her family. distances the new texts from the short so much the number of structural quirements For Puccini, lines. of nine luminoconcessions were not enough to create a 'figura (letter to Ricordi of 13 July 1894); Mara needed more these sa, simpatica' 'light Mara one more 'solo' and self- play, II, 10). the her age prosaically specified; Her whole image has been polished, into has been humanized and integrated 'hungry she-wolf' legendary the rural community. few lines of the story and her A comparison between the first in the list of 'Personaggi' Verga placed at the beginning description the the the an example of aesthetic alterations provides play, of character has undergone: La Lupa (short story) Era alta, magra; aveva soltanto un seno fermo e vigoroso da bruna e pure non era piü giovane; era pallida come se avesse sempre adosso la malaria, e su quel pallore due occhi grandi cosi, e delle labbra fresche e rosse, che vi mangiavano. La Lupa (play) La gnä Pina, detta la Lupa, ancora bella e provocante, malgrado i suoi trentacinque anni suonati, col seno fermo da ver- 94 gine, gli occhi luminosi in fondo alle occhiaie scure, e il bel fiore carnoso della bocca, nel pallore caldo del viso. The anthropophagic 'mangiandoselo of the story: the 'fleshy flower', La Lupa's of her eyes and lips attribute cogli is her pallor new look is alluring like is the protagonist of seven stories capitano of admirers D'Arce: Ginevra, and lovers, and from the short flower'. 'fleshy a Sicilian This is Her closest in Verga's collection the upper-class friends how she appears she and, not surprisingly, socialite counterpart I ricordi with a trail have nicknamed Carmen; "Carmen" Verga borrows story by and her eyes are 'shining'. Carmen. whom envious the end has been replaced neri') 'warm' and sexy, can dance and sing del occhi (see also the image of the to her latest victim, a young Navy officer: Un viso delicato come appassito pree pallido, cocemente, come velato da un'ombra, dei grandi in cui era la febbre, dei capelocchi parlanti, li morbidi e folti, posati mollemente in un groscarnoso delso nodo sulla nuca, e il bel fiore dicevano la bocca - la bH ca terribile come amici e gelosi. Later on in the story, Verga describes Ginevra's mouth as 'quella thus rebocca di vampiro' and her lips 'le sue labbra dolorose', the anthropophagic attribute of the early verupdating and covering The picture of Ginevra/la Lupa has now distinctA striking is noticeable between ly decadent features. similarity Verga's descriptions and the portrayal of the woman in D'Annunzio's 1885. in first We find "Gorgon", the 'pallor' published and the poem istic femme fatale. 'shining' eyes; the woman's mouth is a 'painful flower': Ella avea diffuso in volto quel pallor cupo che adoro. Le splendea V alma ne li occhi quale in chiare acque un tesoro. Un fiore " ......... ........ doloroso eraýla bocca, 22 ............................... The project of the operatic adaptation conditioned from the very beginning the layout of the play and, specifically, the entrance of the protagonist: Pina appears with a sheaf of wheat on her head 95 In his while a dance is going on. She is graceful and flirtatious. directions, Verga insists on such connotations as 'con civetteria', 'con grazia', refuses 'dolcemente'. and tries to attract Being invited by one of the men, la Lupa Nanni: Pina (ridendo) No... Voglio ballare con compare Nanfacendo una bella riverenni... (con civetteria za a Nanni Lasca) se son degna di questo onore... (La Lupa, play, I, 3) As he refuses, Pina sings him a song; Nanni is still so reluctant, Pina's next move is to dance with someone else in order to arouse the man's interest: Pina (a Nanni con civetteria) dico? "Chi non mi vuole E voi sapete the vi non mi merita". (Va ad invitare Cardillo e balla con grazia dinanzi a lui, tenendo distese le due cocche del grembiule colla punta delle dita, e piegando il capo sull'omero). (Ibidem) at him with La Lupa does not win Nanni staring tenance; she entreats him with her face, and even shrinking tact the man: with tears with her Gorgon-like and sad looks, horror sometimes from the first counhiding physical con- Nanni (smarrendosi del tutto) Basta ora, basta... Non posso vedervi piangere cosi!.. f atelo per (1'abbraccia) mio! amor di scatto, tutta tremante e Pina (svincolandosi Fate come il sconvolta) No!... Lasciatemi!... adesso!... (rimangono a guardarcoccodrillo si negli occhi, pallidi entrambi) (La Lupa, play, I, 9) la Lupa of all her magic, Verga tries to recapture the mythical atmosphere of the story by starting the play (and the libretto) with a fairy tale told by an old woman: Having deprived Filomena. La maga dunque se ne stava nel palazzo incantato, tutt'oro e di pietre preziose, e come passava un viandante, s'affacciava alla finestra in peccato mortale. Gioper tirarlo vani e vecchi, vi cascavano tutti! religiosi anche, e servi di Dio! (La Lupa, play, I, 1) 96 The sorceress turned all and frogs in the libretto). her victims into pigs and donkeys (snakes The image of the enchantress in her precious palace points all too easily to a latter-day femme fatale - with Armida - rather than to the earthy such ancestors as Circe, Alcina, Lupa; however, another character, and primitive Janu, the foreman, translates the message of the fable It of a proverb. voglia (ch. 1): into the more familiar metaphor is one of the many 'sentenze giudiziose' of I Mala- Janu (gravemente, la pipa di bocca). togliendosi Maga o non maga, sapete come dice il proverbio? "L'uomo e il fuoco, la donna e la stoppa: viene il diavolo e soffia! " (La Lupa, play, The quotation of a proverb boss of the group of harvesters, of wisdom, who exercises the small his woman, are the ones who mostly advice, or offer register to convey the ethical Two proverbs, jokingly first with no markedly has already been quoted; Nanni is now excited the the eldest la Lupa. man and the very embodiment influence over the members of Janu and Filomena, use proverbs to express Verga to adopt and practical Sicilian views the second occurs thoughts linguistic of his connotation, the eldest their a neutral by la Lupa in the dance scene when she flirts the scene. vite which enables way to introduce an effective moderating including community, is 1) I, 23 characters. are also with at the very used Nanni. The end of by the dance and comes forward to in- Pina but she refuses: Pina Nanni "Chi tardi arriva male alloggia", compare (gli volta le spalle con una risaNanni! ta, e se ne va a destra colle altre donne) (piccato) Ora the mi avete scaldato le orecMi sento un chie? Ora non mi tengo piü! Mongibello! (La Lupa, play, I, 3) It may well be humorous to see Nanni being left alone, overheated like a-volcano, but the womanwho engages men in such frivolous skirmishes is no longer the untamed and taciturn Lupa of the story. In the libretto the number of proverbs is significantly In orreduced. der to comply with the wishes of Puccini who wanted 'meno proverbi' (see Verga's letter to De Roberto of 15 July '93), Verga left out all but three of the proverbs of the play: the ones quoted by Pina 'con 97 which De Roberto versified civetteria', as follows: "Non mi merita quei the non mi vuole" "Quel the tardi arrivb, nulla trovö" (La Lupa, libretto, I, 3) and one used by Nanni to soothe Mara, and Malerba (one of the harvesters): Nanni Voi non ne avete nasce la rosa. upset colpa.... by a quarrel Dalla (libretto, between Pina spina I, 4) in libretto, is in by Nanni the missing quoted proverb, short story it is clearly implied: although in the original But a fourth the play, Nanni which corresponds Sapete il detto antico: "Piglia zitella e carne di vitella" (ridendo in tono di scusa) Non ve 1'abbiate a male... (libretto, I, 6) to Nanni's io invece Ed - voglio reply to la Lupa in the story: vostra figlia, the a vitella; used to In the play, instead, the earthy, rustic image of the heifer, the fresh ageing and experienced the with girl and unspoiled contrast banalized: is and weakened mother, Pina Nanni (chinandosi su di lui, viso contro viso, con di belva) Voun suono rauco e inarticolato glio te! (scoppiando in riso) Voi!... Perche non mi invece?... Datemi vostra date vostra figlia figlia ch'ý carne fresca invece.... (La Lupa, play, I, 7) Once the project of the opera was abandoned, no more alterations were libretto, to the he text the Verga by of as concentrated on the made Significantly, the survived. a polished version of proverb play, so the original expression of the story was also introduced by Verga in the revised text he prepared for the 1897 illustrated edition of Vita dei Campi: the term 'vitella' is changed to 'zitella'. Pierantonio Tasca, in setting La Lupa, followed Verga's example and amended the in his orchestral expression of the libretto score as follows: 98 Nanni Piglia (in A further dice il zitella.... tono di motto antico non ve l'abbiate scusa) a male. of evidence of Verga's new literary and stylistic awareness is the wealth of descriptive and psychological notes, interspersed throughout the play and the libretto, which cannot be taken just the text for piece as stage with example, directions, since details. narrative describes they The list tend to complete and enrich 'Personaggi' of the play, of Mara as a: delicata la giovanetta e triste quasi colpa non sua le pesasse sul capo biondo, e non osasse fissare in viso alla gente i begli occhi timidi. which does not sound quite story but rather by a detailed a description which appeal more to a reader with heroine the verb peasant girl of the who never came into paragraph of the set but introduces vides sentence the young Sicilian a Puccinian anticipates Act I is prefaced being. like which pro- of sound images a series than to a spectator, not only in the particularly 'sembra': Si odono passare in lontananza delle voci, delle ... dei campanacci delle canzoni stracche, il tintinnio mandre che scendono ad abbeverare, e di tanto in tandei cani, sparsi per la campagna, sulto l'uggiolare la quale scorrono delle folate di scirocco, con un fruscio largo di biade mature. Negli intervalli di il mormorio silenzio sembra sorgere e diffondersi dei grilli, incessante. La delle acque e il trillare luna incomincia a levarsi, accesa - sbiancandosi man mano, in un alone afoso. The whole paragraph, libretto. in the pears of crickets whistling them is qualified abouts of except for the sentence with The images of the whining are taken by the specific from the short dimensional 'sembra', also ap- of dogs and the story where each of references of the where- la Lupa: 'Nei campi immensi, dove scoppiettava soltanto il volo dei grilli' 'i cani uggiolavano per la vasta campagna nera' Deprived of its disheartening vastness and the sombre figure of la Lupa, the 'campagna' at nightfall is lit by the moon shrouded in a hazy halo, more romantic than veristic, certainly more populated and 99 familiar than the dismal wilderness The most conspicuous play and libretto is songs and a traditional of Act I of the play. story, he set rial for himself a musical proverbs represented people's ethics Sicilian idiom buted music. songs, inclusion the unprecedented Sicilian the task the uncontaminated, Verga had to provide first-hand literary of his local of certain colour an Italian was not a difficult task scenes of his of a story mate- Just expression as of the an authentic songs provided expression popular folkloric verismo. metaphoric so popular of the of several the dramatization of providing the musical between dance in seven of the nine When Verga started transposition to the definition but it of the interdependence evidence and feelings, for of the story. 24 moods, or contriwith on-stage of the vernacular version to select them; he had just to published own memory, or quote from the many collections first in the second half of the XIX century, and foremost in Sicily 'the most devoted and prolific of folkthe volumes of Giuseppe Pitre, 25 him. defined English lorists', admirer as an draw from his In the dance scene, Pina 26 the first song is sung by Pina for Nanni: (a Nanni, tra scherzosa e ironica, canticchiando nel passargli accosto) 0 voi the avete occhi e non vedete, allora di quegli occhi the ne fate? (La Lupa, play and libretto, I, 3) (1896), lines the such as these are first play In the edition of by direction that the they italics in should accompanied and printed (4in libretto) the 5 the Scene contains the finest play of be sung. is Mara It has just a choral scene: Pina's retired strambotto. song, into the women's hut, and all the other harvesters are still on the Pina Nanni. The floor teasing and young man picks up a threshing hint from Pina ('avete la pelle dura.... Ma it cuore l'avete peggio, first introduces the ') song: and anche! Nanni (le volta le spalle canticchiando) Cuore duro, cuore tiranno.... (La Lupa, play, I, 5) One of the men interrupts him with two lines heart: same theme of the insensitive 100 of another song on the Bruno a Grazia con galanteria) i dice il cuore the tiranna siete, o mi scordaste, e the pit non m'amate... (Ibidem) Grazia answers; of all the peasants, ni is soft, so a sort of song contest and Pina is invited with the encouragement 27 Her song for Nanto sing. starts sweet and languorous: Pina (dolcemente, sui ginocchi quasi parlando fra se, coi gomiti e il capo fra le mani) Garofano pomposo, dolce amore, dimmelo tu come ti debbo amare! Tu di nascosto m'hai rubato il cuore, ed io qui venni se mel vuoi ridare. E Who toccati tanti cuori duri! intenerire! Solo il tuo non si lascia Ora men vado a governo d'amore... Il mio lo lascio a te. Non ti scordare. (La Lupa, play, I, 5) form of popular rima was a typical Sicilian Italy and was also called riof regions other reached poetry which (outside ABABABAB (Tuscany). Its usually was rhyming scheme spetto octave ABABABCC). The image of Sicily it rhymed like the classical love Sicilian large in found be number of songs. a the carnation can The strambotto in ottava Raccolta amplissima records about a dozen songs from all parts have local the island, which carnation variations, with the some of 28 A few by L. Lizio-Bruno in his quoted are in the incipit. more Eolie di luoghi Isole della delle Canti e altri popolari collection from Raccuja is the source of XVIII 1871). No. (Messina, Sicilia Vigo's Verga's strambotto: Carofulu pumpusu, duci amuri, Mandami a diri comu t'haju amari: lu cori a mucciuni, Tu m'arrubbasti E vinni apposta si mi lu vol dari. E nn'haju rimuddatu cori duri! Ora lu to'non potti rimuddari! Jö mi nni vari a cuvernu d'amuri: Chistu lu lassu a tia; non ti scurdari. The Italian translation in the play has a slightly irregular rhyme (ABABCDAB). In the libretto, the sixth endecasillabo is reworded to rhyme in -are like the other B lines. The improved version is closer to the Sicilian text: 'I1 tuo soltanto non potei piegare'. 101 After Pina, it is Nanni's Here Verga strikes gold The source is made up of proverbs. turn to sing. in the form of an old song entirely Pitre's fourth volume of Proverbi siciliani, der the heading "Proverbi in canzoni siciliane", in ottava siciliani 1593), first rima by the Monreale published in 1628. lines Verga chooses four for in which he reprinted, a Raccolta di proverbi Veneziano (1543- poet Antonio From the second of Veneziano's Nanni which un- illustrate aptly his octaves, character 'handsome young man - fond of women, but even fonder of his own into His solid common sense leads him to respond negatively terests'. of Pina's allurement: Vedi e taci, se bene aver tu vuoi, Porta rispetto al luogo dove staff. Non fare piü di quello the tu puoi. Pensa la cosa, prima the la fai. (La Lupa, play, Once Pina and Nanni are left alone lines first two the ticement, she quotes ta dalla amorosa'; passione different mood, quotes song return line metaphor song expresses In Tasca's to her. tion short for his and the woman resumes her enof her song, 'quasi in his light-hearted own. (II, sensual The last 11). and in- two lines of Pina's be- So the strambotto yearning and Nanni's four- response before he yields (Ex. 1) is used as the strambotto presented in a short by the chorus (sopranos only) for It soffoca- down-to-earth Pina's setting, and then libretto of Pina's cool, of the opera. strings still the end of his at the end of the comes the musical motto-theme Nanni, 5)29 I, is first introduca second statement. Another form of popular song introduced by Verga in the play, in A for is the precedent stornello. the operatic adaptation, view of in Mascagni's Cavaldoing so may have been Lola's 'Fior di giaggiolo' leria, but that kind of song was quite commonin Sicily as well as in It consisted of three lines onTuscany where it possibly originated. a quinario which set the rhyme and usually contained the name of in Palermo), flowers, for the stornelli a flower (hence the name ciuri, In La Lupa, Act I, when the peasants disperse, and two endecasillabi. ly: about midnight, to go to sleep, a touch of local dying away in the darkness: a stornello (si colour ode la voce di Nunzio the si allontana 102 is provided cantando) by Ex. 1- Tasca, La Lupa, I, 4 L; =60) ý ý- 'Ia. - Zo- 0. - 1121. D- .i,,o po+M, - po- to t. a9 o-uct-tiw so, ut. Pi 0101- ce, cý.- 444 vö d', a. ýý 103 ý A-- P. Tasca, La Lupa, (Biblioteca Noto, I, Pina's song n Je ýýý puoý'.? ýý. ýa14 _ "3 ýP ý'ý0 1-,oe ý 7 T'ýýý _ " ,, Comunale, Sicily) '.. i ýi ý- ý ýiý tosv e Tr ýýn /\ ' ýý t a ý II I ý _ rr r ý ý_NZ i I03 A, B d _ý_ --r I Muta e la viaaaa... E' mezzanotte, e ora vo a trovarlaaaa... (facendo eco alla canzone, mentre accomoda la paglia sotto una bisaccia per sdraiarsi sopra) Nanni La figlia bella dell'anima miaaaa... (La Lupa, play, A significant be noted Nanni's series of evil between the play and the libretto can In the play, la Lupa overcomes of Act I. difference in the conclusion A him away repressing his last curse. (suggested by Verga in his detailed directions) and drags reluctance of sound effects heightens I, 6)30 the tension of the incest scene with intimations sinister whining of dogs and the hooting of an owl: in the 'lugubrious' (tirandoselo dietro a capo pel braccio, Taci! chino, torva, come una vera lupa) Non bestemmiare adesso! ... (Scompaiono dalla sinistra, in fondo. Silenzio; odesi lontano il mormorio del fiume, il fruscio delle spighe, il trillare dei grilli, e di tanto in tanto, 1'uggiolare dei cani, lugubre, nell'ora tragica. A un tratto passa di nuovo stri- Pina dendo la civetta). (La Lupa, play, I, 9) instead, the Act is concluded by a song heard offas at the end stage, while Nanni reappears - 'pale and distraught' of the short story - after the incestuous intercourse with his future That return is obviously inopportune; it dampens the mother-in-law. In the libretto, erotic tension built up by the dialogue Pina/Nanni occupying the whole Scene. The effectiveness of the conclusion is further damaged by So it is Tasca's idea of translating the song into his own dialect. in the libretto but it is copied in 'Siciliano printed in Italian di Noto' in the score: sottodialetto version is: approved. The Italian Specchio degli luccichi cento tu solo hai da lascio la vita In Act II floor lishes of both texts, to Nanni and Mara's the Easter d'oro occhi miei, trionfo miglia da lontano, venirci quando muoio,, mia nelle tue mani! as the set house, atmosphere something Verga would never have changes from the threshing and the Good Friday of religious 104 fervour, procession the popular estabsongs make room for The prevailingly stage. gives exorcise the devil; ly recur in this Nanni Mara Nanni or superstitious his and daughter as in other Act When in the second. mounts to a heated by crossing 'devil', 'saint', by a band on of the first imagery references exasperation the terms march played and vegetal between mother Nanni expresses Pina and a funeral animal way to religious the confrontation pute, litanies Latin himself and 'hell' dis- so as to frequent- scenes: Le parole di una santa ... peggio di un coltello!... come te!... che fanno (che sta per prorompere fa il segno della croce) Brutto diavolo, va via! tentazione!... ... L'avete con me? Volete che vi lasci e me ne vada? Escirö io! Io me ne vo!... al diavolo!... per... in questa casa, quando siete che c'e 1'inferno (esce infuriato) insieme madre e figlia!... (La Lupa, play, II, 4) the villagers' response tends to relate the Good Friday house, Nanni's to the be heard outside can and seen which procession, The domestic trouble diverts ataffront of Pina's presence inside. Similarly, tention from the 'festal outraged comments from neigh- and solicits bours and friends: Grazia Bruno Basta, non fate scandal i1... (entrando) Vi si sente dalla piazza... della banda! Pare the sia pith forte Un altro qui la festa. pol Tasciano banda e corrono tutti qui. (play, II, la 6) Cardillo Filomena Ma the Biete cristiani o turchi? e uno scandalo per tutto il Sentite!... Finitela questa vergogna! vicinato! (play, II, 7) Janu Bestie! Peggio delle bestie, siete! (play, II9 8) A moral sensitiveness has replaced the carefree attitude of the villagers enjoying themselves or teasing Nanni and Pina in Act I. Since his past weakness and sexual indulgence are so mercilessly exposed, shame and anger seize Nanni and lead him to the physical annihilation 105 Before the catastrophe, however, in a first of his former lover. out(play and libburst of rage, Nanni beats both wife and mother-in-law II, 7). Public discredit hurts him more than anything else: retto, 'Sono la favola del paese! Siete contente ora? ', ing Pina and Mara. Like presents the finale of Act I, some differences the conclusion he shouts after beat- in the libretto of Act II from the play. PLAY Nanni Pina Nanni (brandendo una scure furioso) Ah!.. Lo rompo io il legame! (voltandosi verso di lui, col petto nudo, Finiscila! Via! come a sfidarlo) colle tue mani! (la spinge sotto la tettoia, cogli occhi pazzi d'ira e di orrore, la scure omicida in alto, urlando colla schiuma alla bocca) Ah! Ah!... I1 diavolo siete? ... LIBRETTO Nanni Pina Nanni Pina Nanni In both texts, (risoluto, afferrando una scure sotto la legnaia) - Ah! (voltandosi verso di lui col seno scoperto in aria di sfida) Finiscila!... (interamente accecato dall'ira, inseguendola fin sotto la legnaia con la scure levata) Ah!... (indietreggiando barcollante, con immenso e doloroso stupore negli occhi e nel tono della Davver m'ammazzi, Nanni?... voce smarrita) (scompaiono entrambi sotto la tettoia; s'ode un urlo d'ira e un grido di spavento che finisce in un gemito) (tornando in iscena con le mani nei capelli, corre fuggendo, pallido e sconvolto) Cristo, che ho fatto!... Che m'han fatto fare!... the eroticism in terms of artistic her self-destruction of the naked breast is a poor alternative, to the mythical figure moving towards effectiveness, with her hands full of poppies and her black eyes However, the fin de siecle, voraciously at her executioner. be explained with the updating of the characsensual image can still What is hard to accept is Pina's last line ter in the dramatization. in the libretto: 'Davver m'ammazzi, Nanni? ', which Tasca chooses to staring leave as a 'parlato'. Nanni's determination She staggers with astonishment and dismay at her; it is a moment of weakness and into kill 106 in the face of the death credulity the hands of her former lover. It Lupa takes dramatic her leave figure the original on a final has been seeking at she herself sounds human and pathetic, and la note of sentimentalism, than her namesake in the play, let a much less alone the one of story. In the play, Pina keeps telling Nanni that he just doesn't have the guts to put her out of her misery, and her mood is one of 'desperate bitterness' as she feels despised and rejected by Nanni and her Before the man brandishes own daughter. his axe, 'furioso', Pina expresses her agony and abjection Pina bringing in 'hell' and the 'devil': Le madri come me andrebbero bruciate vive!... ... Dovrebbero mangiarsela i cani, le madri come me! E tu pure che mi tieni nell'inferno!... pei ... Hai un bell'andare capelli!... come una pazza!... Il diavolo ci ha legati insieme! a confessarti... (La Lupa, play, II, 10) Death is the only way out and Pina does not falter in the face of it. In the libretto, just before the pathetic turn at the end, we catch a glimpse of the character's coquetry displayed in Act I, now mixed with derision: Nanni Pina (fuor di sb) Lupa!. Siete la Lupa! (mentre si asciuga il viso nel grembiale, sorin faccia con civetteria ridendogli quasi di scherno) la Lupa io se sono, -E se non ti basta il cor... se a Dio perdono chiedesti... chiudi gli occhi... non guardare... (La Lupa, libretto, II, 11) So, at the very end, Verga has to make up for the lack of real dramatic tension with the naturalistic ingredient of two spine-chilling cries: 'un urlo d'ira e un grido di spavento the finisce in un In Cavalleria the cry 'Hanno ammazzato compare Turiddu! ' is gemito'. itself the act of (verbal) violence which signals the catastrophe, Here the cries just add to since the fight takes place off stage. the horror and sensation of the murder enacted 'sotto la tettoia', therefore audible if not visible to the audience. Furthermore, Nanni Pina, 'fuggendo, pallido e sconvolto' reappears on stage after killing (see I, 8: 'stravolto e pallido, come fuggendo'), whereas in the play he exits with his axe held high and the murder is assumed to be commit- 107 ted as the curtain comes down. His return adds a morbid note to the in the manner of a second rate pseudo-veristic catastrophe, opera. We can't looking resist he rants for the second hemistich on Nanni's stains the ho fatto! 'Cristo, out: blood last of his ', and then hands and clothes closes as in A minor on 'Che m'han fatto endecasillabo: fare! ' The alteration to the finale in the libretto must have been made by Verga shortly before Puccini went down to Sicily in June 1894, as can be inferred from a letter to De Roberto in Catania, dated 12 May (Verga's 1894, from Vizzini house): country Eccoti it 2. o atto, meno le prime due scene the hai fatte... Alla catastrofe troverei una piccola variante the sembrami preferibile. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 129) Verga was wise enough to keep the play with its own conclusion, the 'small' variation was confined to the libretto. La Lupa for In rewriting from the early different profoundly drammatiche" the stage, match up to the artistic quality something of the 1880s. verismo lirica", "Tragedia and the Verga produced in various of the short The "Scene degrees, do not That this story. be so because of the planned 'melodramatization' of La Lupais Certainly, Verga's purely linguistic solution partly correct. musical tive. Proverbs and popular are idiomatically understandable sympathetic' neighbours tunities of his transposition effective songs, no matter but dramatically and villains, (Puccini's of mothers, vatory a Besides, his 'luminous and and in failure the to other words, opporprovide sufficient for his characters in moments of lyrical to come to life ex- doomed libretto by its to Puccini the rejection On the other hand, Verga's veristic theatre from suffered dramatic for daughters pansion fusion only selected, irrelevant. instead should and counterproduc- how carefully heroines to produce reluctance figures) was inadequate verismo and of the environment organism. conception It which and individual was a structural influenced characters into 31 and Mascagni. an incomplete a uniformly weakness in a positively such diverse Di Giacomo and Gabriele D'Annunzio. The latter, with La Figlia di Jorio writers (1904), inno- as Salvatore and expanded the mythical component of Verga's best stories, such as "La Lupa", "Jeli it pastore", "Rosso Malpelo" (from Vita dei Campi) and set shep- 108 revived herds and harvesters in a dream world of ancestral Mila di Codra customs and superstitions where the protagonist, burned at the stake while the crowd a 'mala femmina' like la Lupa -is ('La Turba', In 1908, as in an old mystery play) chants Latin hymns. after La Figlia thanks to Alberto two years theatre same direction erature, 3. of his with the libretto I1 Mistero his Abruzzi native di Jorio found Franchetti, Il Mistero way into the operatic Verga would point second and last of its for contribution towards the to operatic lit- Domenico Monleone.. by G. Verga, Giovanni and Domenico Monleone Verga spent the last twenty-five years of his life in Catania, attending to the writing of his last novel La Duchessa di Leyra, which painful and frustrating proved an increasingly enterprise, and occasionhis attention towards the theatre. His last play was ally diverting between the Dal tuo al mio (1903), dealing with the dramatic conflict in Sicily along with sulphur-mine workers and the declining aristocracy Dissatisfied the rise of a mean and greedy middle class. with the controversial reception of his play, Verga turned it into a novel which published in the Nuova Antologia in 1905. His last personal was first contact with the deceptive world of music publishers and composers came through the ill-fated new Cavalleria Rusticana of Giovanni and Domenico involvement in the dispute over Monleone. Verga's legal and financial derived from his play gave the novelist the copyright of the libretto to write for the theatre. one last opportunity In 1908, while the controversy dragged on in the courts of Milan and Turin, and his Cavalleria continued its European tour, Domenico Monleone had the idea of adapting to his music to couna new libretto ter a possible unfavourable outcome of the appeal against the ban on A convenient choice seemed to be another of Verga's his opera in Italy. stories, and "I1 Mistero" from the Novelle Rusticane out as containing some of the elements of Cavalleria. contacted Verga who approved the project and offered Monleone in drafting that, should their (1883) was singled The two brothers to help Giovanni The novelist also suggested the new libretto. appeal be upheld by the Supreme Court, Cavalleria 109 keep its could music and I1 Mistero 14 September 1908 a contract Verga and Giovanni of Cavalleria oblivion in Venice which was completed that the new text years re- would a different dei libretto the opera was per(5 September 1917) and of Monleone's works. on 7 May 1921, at La Fenice the music Falchi; 1914) and Milan the rest for Il Mistero a few months before death. Verga's The new joint source ters like two months He composed three more 1913; Suona la ritirata, 1916) and, La Giostra the title On I1 Mistero. 1910; Arabesca, (18 February formed in Florence was premiered for anything a new opera. but several of music, Monleone prepared with then sank into kind different pass before he wrote operas (Alba Eroica, in 1914, Giovanni libretto Domenico was soon to realize a completely quired be used for and in the next was signed Monleone worked on the in December. early might venture of grudge and bitterness to Dina di Sordevolo tration Verga/Monleone aroused for the ageing bear witness by what he called turned the out to be a fresh Verga's novelist. to the hard feelings 'wretched let- and frus- Monleone affair': Catania, 8 May 1910 Dai giornali vedo the il Monleone ha avuto un certo Egli me successo a Genova, colla sua Alba Eroica. di e mi aveva scritto ne aveva mandato il libretto, Per sfruttarmi, raccomandarlo a Ricordi. more soliIo non gli ho risposto neppure. to. scrivendoe ... Eroica non mi dice una payola dell'altra mi dell'Alba opera I1 Mistero the doveva musicare in luogo di Cavalleria. 15 January 1913 Catania, Dal mio avvocato di Milano ho tante proposte per acbuocomodare la faccenda col Monleone, sacrificando na parte dei denari spesi, s'intende, the di utili a Ma si non parla neppure. the lo stesso rimborso propostomi, a rate, non mi offre nessuna garanzia. I1 Monleone ne parla soltanto adesso per esýgre libero di dare la sua nuova opera [Arabesca]. The correspondence between the Monleone brothers and Verga refinal sketch of I1 Mistero were the novelist's garding the libretto, Scenario in 1940.33 The libretto published in the periodical was printed by the formerly edition: I1 Mistero/Das adverse Casa Musicale Sonzogno on the occa34 The vocal score, in the characterission of the Venice premiere. tic fashion of most verismo operas, was published in an Italo-German Passionspiel, 110 Milano, Leipzig; Sonzogno, Breitkopf u. Härtel, Though the full Monleone, text Verga not only to be developed one with 1921-22. his into advice of the provided libretto the basic lines, more articulate and objections was the work of Giovanni until the layout and brief but he also libretto dialogues assisted met with Monlehis The atmosphere, language and situations approval. are unmistakMonleone's versification shows an extreme diligence ably Verghian. in the philological of the early veristic reconstruction style of the full collage of idiomatic expreswhich at times amounts to a skilful from other stories of the Novelle Rusticane and Vita dei sions lifted 35 Campi. story, A comparative analysis of Verga's short story and the libretto and contrast elements of similarity of Ii Mistero offers interesting of La Lupa as well as the earlier texts of with the play and libretto Besides, Verga's own sketch and his comments on the aesCavalleria. the last stage of of the new work illustrate characteristics dissolution of his verismo of the 1880s and a marked subordination of the realistic components to the legendary and symbolic dimension. thetic One remarkable similarity can at once be noted in Cavalleria, festivity La Lupa and 11 Mistero: the presence of a religious conThe three texts might be grouped tonected with the Easter rituals. Cavalleria EasWeek', having 'trilogy Holy the set on a of as gether ter Sunday, La Lupa (Act II) on Good Friday, and I1 Mistero on Palm That commonfeature emphasizes the crucial importance of religion in the life of the rural communities portrayed in the stories. Religion is both a repressive force and an unfailing code of punishSunday. fervour and of genuine religious practices sustained by a natural ethical sense. No superstitious better time than Easter, in the Catholic liturgical year, could exem- ment and reward; it is a mixture death through sin, and regeneBut there is a fundamental ration through confession and repentance. in the way the festivities difference are used in the three texts, and in the dramatic relevance they acquire in connection with the plify the Christian sense of spiritual psychology of the characters. In the two earlier plays, catalysts of the action Easter Sunday and Good Friday work as terms for almost any and as commonreferential In Cavalleria, all the comment on the behaviour of the characters. are going to church having cleansed their consciences of villagers 111 Only Santuzza is 'scomunicata', unworthy to go to church on Eassin. ter Day since she cannot bear to confess her sin in front of God. The five scenes in which she appears are punctuated by statements expressing her self-exclusion from of Sc. 5 when she exits on their sinners 'le funzioni making for way to repentance. inherent in Good Friday ed throughout Act II. Instead value of the cross of Nanni and Mara's 'cortile Pasqua' is repeatedly of the church, which the very until end the church, the sanctuary of all 36 In La Lupa, the sense of penance and expiation symbolic di features hinted at or stat- Verga makes use of the prominently in the background rustico': in proscenio, sino al Al di lä veduta del villaggio Monte dei Cappuccini, di cui si vede a sinistra un angolo del convento, e la gran croce di pietra, dinanzi alla chiesa. (La Lupa, play, Act II) festivity the religious of Palm Sunday only provides the occasion for the performance of a mystery play which is itthe disruption of the libretto: of the perself the basic situation formance at its very outset modifies the situation and brings about In I1 Mistero, The old device of the theatre within the theatre, the catastrophe. adopted by Verga in 11 Mistero, enables him to achieve a complete fusion of the external and public element with the private case of the story. A village girl, Nela, is in love with Bruno, a married man; he her at night, taking advantage of the absence of the girl's visits father, Rocco, who works as a night-watchman in an estate outside the village. Rocco suspects something because Nela refuses any marThe night before Palm Sunday, riage proposal on the slightest pretext. on his way home, Rocco notices someone steal out of his house. In vain, the next morning, he questions a fortune-teller about the identity of the stranger; so he searches wilfully for a face, a clue, among the festive crowd. Meanwhile, the 'Personaggi' of the Mystery move in procession to the chapel to assemble for the performance on Nela is among them, in the red and light-blue a nearby platform. costume of the Virgin falters and hesitates She Mary she has been chosen to impersonate. in a state of anguish for the sacrilege she is Bruno appears and urges her to keep the pretence lest committing. the people and her father should find out about them. Bruno's wife, 112 Mara, also to reproach arrives the girl. move on to the platform attracting is overcome by shame and repulsion, her unworthiness Bruno runs flashes and her sin and a cry Substantial of horror 'Personaggi' the attention of the crowd, Nela on her knees and proclaims falls in front away and Rocco is As the other of the bewildered community. him in the crowd. An axe the killing of the adulterer. soon after signals differences can be noted between the short story and the libretto as regards the sequence of events, characterization Indeed, apart from the general idea of some and social background. impersonating the characters of a mystery play, there is villagers little First else in the story that can be found in the dramatized version. independent of all, the Mystery and the killing are totally a whole year divides them. The female protagonist is not a young girl but a widow who falls for a man called Cola when she sees him act in the Mystery together with her own partner, Nanni. Since that day, Nanni has caught the woman in a state of excitement and in disarray, So, one night, he decides to on more than one occasion. occurrences: keep watch outside This visitor. mystery play on the door, moon. the widow's happens exactly on Good Friday. a shot resounds The man staggers spot where the platform Cola's mother the Good Friday a year after out about for As Cola approaches in the deserted the Mystery person lit of the and knocks stealthily square by the Easter house and falls was set in the village as she prays the mysterious the performance away from the widow's is the only rituals house to find on the up the previous year. who does not join at the bedside of her son. young man dies; the widow becomes known as 'la scomunicata' to leave the village; Nanni is eventually for caught, tried and sentenced to imprisonment. in The and has murder The short story is divided into two sections: one for the portrayal of the mystery play as an antecedent; the other for the followThe mention of a narrator marks the beginning of up of the shooting. each section: I II Questa, ogni volta che tornava a contarla, gli venivano i lucciconi allo zio Giovanni, che non pareva vero, su quella faccia di sbirro. I1 teatro 1'avevano piantato nella piazzetta.... Qui lo zio Giovanni sentivasi rizzare in capo i vecchi peli, al rammentare. Giusto un anno dopo, 113 In the dramatization, of the Mystery rable, the dichotomy the killing with an exemplum. The climactic of the sinner, neous punishment a symbolic connotation dow's other lover executioner is completely lying del venerd9 la vigilia giorno dogg giorno, santo.... is which can in itself public carried missing confession out the be read as a paand the instanta- among the crowd, in the gunshot in ambush in a deserted a father-figure; by a fusion superseded instrument square is introduce from the wi- at night. The the same axe of La Lupa. But the most radical In the story protagonist. change concerns the identity the widow is a minor figure; of the female her self-indul- gence and callousness make her a despicable character treated by the Nela is a narrator with detached irony and humour. On the contrary, she is presented as a victim of the circumstances when she naive girl; first yields to an older man. In the 'Argomento' of his sketch, Verga wrote: Bruno e giä l'amante di Nela. Un di, nella calura della messe, la ragazza non aveva piü saputo resis38 tergli, e gli si era abbandonata. The recalling of that moment, at the end of the love duet between Nela and Bruno, introduces a note of eroticism and sensual nostalgia in the predominantly religious atmosphere: Bruno Nela Bruno After Quella pazzia che nel sole di giugno il primo ti strappava grido d'amore, rodermi come lava oggi ancora la sento nelle vene!... Era Sant'Agrippina...., ti sovviene?... Un papavero avevi tra le labbra... di sopra al grano il petto ti ondeggiava... mi ridevi anelante... (ammaliata, supplicante) Bruno!... Bruno!... ti ha-presa la mia mano stregata e ... e il primo bacio me 1'hai dato in bocca! her first the girl a spell, moment of weakness in the heat of the June harvest, falls prey to her own passion for the man. It is a 'malia', the usual metaphor for the irresistable call of the senses: 114 Nela (smarrita negli occhi Una malia ... che nell'anima canta e ci hai negli occhi Se mi parli cosl!... Ti son caduta allora e mille volte ancora di lui) ý la tua voce il sole!... tra le braccia ci cadrei!... Wearing the traditional costume of the Virgin, Nela feels the full weight of her transgression and finds the strength to redeem herself with a public admission of guilt. The contrast and her moral between the awakened sensuality of a young woman inhibitions is the new element introduced by Verga in the dramatized sketch it love in the long of his story, and G. Monleone cleverly exploited duet he placed towards the end of the opera. In letters to D. Monleone, Verga insists one of his first on a new approach to his old story (the adjective recurs four times in the letter: (19 Sept. 1908) Bisogna mettere in rilievo quel che c'e di mistico e di suggestivo nel titolo e nel quadro della rappresentazione religiosa, mettendolo in relazione e in contrasto colle passioni umane che ad esso s'intrecciano; e mi sembra d'esservi riuscito con magdrammatico per l'ispiragiore e piü nuovo effetto Io penso ad ogni modo di fare opera zione. .... nuova e originale col nuovo 1i$retto onde le possa servire per una nuova musica. stage Verga was still working on a general plan drawn out by Giovanni Monleone from the existing Cavalleria. But he was soon to discard that first scheme and make up a new 'bozzetto scenico' where, At this by his own admission, the legendary and symbolic elements were given more prominence. Two important statements are contained in a letter Verga sent to the Monleones anticipating the dispatch of the new 'bozzetto': (15 Oct. 1908) Ho terminato l'altro bozzetto di cui le scrissi Il Mistero. Questo a me pipel dramma lirico ... ace assai dippiü,... perche piü suggestivo e adatto a un ampio svolgimento lirico tanuovo pel glio e 1'andamento delle scene - senza cadere in io quel cosidetto realismo che nel dramma lirico trovo assai volgare. Colore locale si, ma elevato nel campo poetico. Bisogna intonare perciö. anche i versi al tema leggendario e poetico, ri- 115 fuggendo da ogni tentazione The distinction between the which Verga found vulgar 'dramma lirico' dignity to the artistic into dialect or picturesqueness, tion of operatic sion of the new work in another had been favourably comments on the characteristics leone has to develop in the musical 'local colour', sum up Verga's The novelist realism. 'so-called and the and inappropriate need to give own 'bozzetto' dialettale. 40 insists theatre, avoiding ideas on the realism' the any lapse on the whole queslegendary dimen- letter to D. Monleone written after his by the two brothers. Verga received of his contribution which Giovanni Mon- and versify: (28 Oct. 1908) Io non ho avuto tempo di sviluppare maggiormente gli accenni per dare il carattere opportuno al soggetto; liricamente, di un che di leggendario, di fantastico jeratico quasi, in certi punti, ma giacche la trama piace a suo fratello, se crede lo farb appena me lo farä sapere. 41 The change from the veristic novella to the religious exemplum of the minor can be seen very clearly in the complete transformation In the story, the vivid portrayal during of the villagers characters. preparations and the agitated performance of the Mystery incidents and humorous vignettes: Don Angelino, the is full of little Fuga "La in Egitto", and of script-writer producer parish priest, lines from behind the backdrop of the stage: prompting his stilted 'Vano, o d6nna, a it pregar; pieta non sento! - Pieta non sento! Tocca a voi, compare Janu... '; 'San Giuseppe' with his cotton-wool in a forest of olive branches beard being chased by two 'thieves' the laborious chests in height; the women in the square from attacking shouting and picking up stones to deter the 'thieves' 'San Giuseppe'; Trippa, the butcher, beating his bass-drum to under- which hardly line reaches their the confrontation, It is a down-to-earth, etc.. realistic picLetting his characters speak for themselves, ture of simple people. Verga relates the naive impassioned response of the villagers to Don Their appreciation Angelino's mystery play. of the amateur playwright is biased by their critical views on his meanness and greed as a priest: Don Angelino allora affacciö la testa dalla sua tana, colla barba lunga di otto giorni, affannandosi a calfare! marli colle mani e colle parole: - Lasciateli 116 lasciateli! Cos! a scritto Bella parte nella parte. the aveva scritto! e diceva pure the era tutta roba di sua invenzione. Giä lui avrebbe messo Cristo in i tre tar! Belcroce colle sue mani per chiappargli la messa. 0 compare Rocco, unpadre di cinque figli, fatto di senza uno straccio non l'aveva seppellire mortorio, perche non poteva spillargli nulla? In the second section of the story, some of the villagers fill the house of the dying Cola 'per curiositä', others try to help by bringing in professional figures: Relithe doctor and the fortune-teller. in any circumstance. Cola's mother pays the celebration of a mass but her neighfetishes: and suggest some well-tried coexist gion and superstition Don Angelino three 'tar! ' for bours object Qui ci vuol altro che la messa di Don Angelino! dicevano le comari - qui ci vorrebbe il cotone benedetto di fra Sanzio 1'eremita, oppure la candela della Madonna di Valverde, che fa miracoli dappertutto. In the libretto, the fragmentary structure of the story, with is tightened into one its colourful sketches and short digressions, composite choral frame dominated by the magmatic presence of 'La FolFrom within this motla', the collective protagonist of I1 Mistero. ley crowd, continuously reshaping its contour, there emerge individual figures or small sections weaving details into the main story or for Some of those figures are the principals. to make room subsiding of the Palm Sunday festive background: Pedlars, a Frog-seller, a Ballad-singer, a Fortune-teller, girls and boys dressed as 'Verginelle' and 'Innocenti', coming out of the chapel figures blessed palms; other and small choral sections belong to with indispensable ingredients the 'Personaggi', the mystery play "La Fuga in Egitto": among whom 'L'Eremita', the 'Chierici', Nela makes her entry, the 'Incappati', a holy man who harangues the 'Personaggi' before the performance, 'Verholding the emblems of Christ's Passion. and 'Innocenti' The presence of 'La Folla' is felt throughout the opera, even during the love duet. In the stage directions, the crowd is the constant reference point for all the movements of the principals and the ginelle' The structural flaw noted in La Lupa, other individual characters. in the somewhat mechanical juxtaposition consisting of choral scenes A complex counterpoint and duets, is finally overcome in I1 Mistero. 117 of voices, including sion it until the main characters, is eventually tween Nela and 'La Folla' The individual fic figures decoded as fragments his cry 'Pesci Its to di me!? ' from ', hinting the figure another story provides to get married own specibe at Nela's being song: induced her unworthy with to Bruno: cry were borrowed 'Amore, by her imper- 'Cos'hai fat- by G. Monleone of the Novelle chosen from Vigo's story of a popular reproach and his their which can easily The Frog-seller alternates of the Virgin in Nela's The Frog-seller was pertinently refusal fare! with information of ' to the quotation words ring "Pane nero", singer's from the crowd, be- confrontation to her confession. witness of the main story. fatto to desecrate sonation. emerging cantanti! amore, the m'hai lover as a collective and ten- variety to a dramatic condensed convey the same kind register, generates Raccolta Rusticane. The song 42 The Balladamplissima. a fantastic transposition and her final confession: of Nela's constant Era bella, credete, come it sole. .. Conti e baroni a chieder la sua mano venivano a cavallo da lontano... Ma lei - No, no! - Le nozze non le vuole... --------------------- Ma in morte la fi gl ia al confessore dice: Ci ho fitto dentro un gran peccato... On the steps the of the chapel, 'Personaggi' to be worthy 'L'Eremita' his gives of the honour solemn warning of performing to in the holy mystery: Pensate all'onor grande che vi tocca, figliuoli miei! Guai se un che fosse indegno... se vivendo nel peccato gli paresse di fuoco quell'abito che porta!... The last Nela's horrified words anticipate outburst as she tries tear off the Madonna's costume she feels unworthy to wear: Nela (fa per strapparsi di dosso il Via! Via! Fuoco d'inferno!... manto) A similar warning is given by the Fortune-teller who mentions, bad omen, the appearance of a comet over the village: 118 to as a Badate a me, cristiani! Mettiamoci in grazia di Dio, chi mai fosse in peccato mortale... Sul paese, stanotte, ho visto la cometa!... Malaugurio cristiani!... As the Mystery is about to start Nela makes her own public as the beginning Nela La Folla Nela and the background confession of the religious which voices is mistaken subside, by the crowd performance: (che non sa piü resistere, si butta innanzi al popolo, sui ginocchioni gradini della cappella) Piet! e misericordia! Piet! e misericordia! Gente di Dio, davanti a tutti io mi confesso!... (susurrando e disponendosi intorno curiosa, come per assistere allo spettacolo) 11 Mistero! Comincia! Pia a me? Santa?... Bugiarda e impura! confession punctuated by the comments of 'La Folla' continues with a wild cry and an oafs, and plunges into until Rocco interferes the crowd brandishing his axe. A scuffle and a stampede ensue; then Nela's Bruno emerges from the terrorized of Nela. villagers and drops dead in front structure of the 'Atto Unico' is preceded by Late at night in her cottage, Mara's tense monologue in the 'Prologo'. the woman lulls her baby to sleep and vents her bitterness and jealousy The large choral Originally as she waits for Bruno to return. logue of Monleone's Cavalleria, this intimate I1 Mistero devised to fit the pro- and sombre section of and a striking contrast to the fast- provides an antecedent moving, crowded Act. On the whole, Verga's second contribution to an opera libretto Lupa. His achievement resulted in a better text than the earlier seems even more remarkable if one considers the modest artistic quality of the original short story and the twenty-five years dividing the Novelle Rusticane from the libretto In the early of I1 Mistero. 1890s Verga was misled by an idea of operatic verismo which the success of Mascagni's Cavalleria seemed to have positively 119 established as the right one. Any attempt type was doomed to fail, and De Roberto Lupa", its for and sensational cagni's had long pastorale" na di Sordevolo ter libretto prepared success scored di Jorio Replying (1904) to a letter Verga commented with of "La by the plaintive text. by Gabriele operatic proto- by Verga imagery and ambivalent of the operatic about Franchetti's the premiere, questionable ceased to represent La Figlia Scala on 29 March 1906. that were obliterated coups de theatre Verga knew of the great the The rich overtones "melodramma" "tragedia and so did Puccini. mythical at improving songs In 1908 Mas- a fashionable model. D'Annunzio with and was informed version presented by Dina, a sarcastic his by Diat La a few days af- reference to Mas- cagni: (6 April 1906) Sei stata a teatro ea sentire la Figlia di Jorio. Quello si, che sa fare! Ma si e quel c he e. Qui abbiamo il Mascagni, piü Mascagni che mai. Franchetti's opera was expected to be the major attraction of the season at La Scala, but it failed to win popular favour and received only The sedate and intellectual a succes d'estime. composer could not aLa Figlia di Jorio was, at any rate, despite spire to more than that. differences the substantial of language and imagery, the precedent for I1 Mistero. Having to approach his early veristic novella to turn it into an operatic text, Verga created a choral fresco where a personal into a cruel ritual vendetta was transfigured of atonement celebrated coram populo in the village square on a festive day. As for the music of 11 Mistero, the 'Wagnerian' Monleone was further away from trying a veristic twelve approach in setting the libretto His music is contrived and, at its years after it had been written. best, sounds like of Nela's lyrical Wagner revised by Richard Strauss. The basic motive pieces is borrowed from Die Götterdämmerung (Ex. 1): 120 and is likewise Ex. 2- presented in the Prologue (Ex. 2): Monleone, I1 Mistero In the course of the opera, even such veristic components as the cries and the Greengrocers are set to fragments of Nela's of the Frog-seller (Ex. 3a, 3b): Prologue in its the from development up motive picked Ex. 3a Il Ssºnocchiaio. lwwdler. Pur 1ý, ' ýwv I- .Yý EA 1 -wwý--ý I---I Pe SiN 0 IN i r- Pe . SiA. rei cao. tan . til do F1 wirl Sm. . . taw . til ein. uci , hwf! do Fi ua, iss. . . Ex. 3b I ZSreoooal. D' . niüyeJlwýdlirý'. .. . -, --11 -1 . .. -' .1 Ito . bu btril . Ir . ta Was wwa lad an . pnirt, The Prologue, however, contains ý III-" muz. sr vaa . du . Let i+d Aalb var lray/t/ . the most effective Mara's lullaby, ,--n piece in I1 Mistero: with a sombre melody consisting of an ascending chromatic octave introduced by some 'Puccinian' fifths in the bass parallel (Ex. 4): 121 Largo. (i=u4) Ex. 4- Monleone, Ii Mistero Largo. 0 p (caaticchi, AndomtºccbioalmeaW (swaiasiu+l #iwtewa) N. cul . _lay 146 mi ich ' in oöl . ea .ii ddr Wiý So . tr'. 4 En. gwºt. und viot '7 . ge. li tro . . jel Si' mir ý 1 jiEj Lh-- J} J-J---JJ'} I, la . fir, of . tar. no J-J--JJ I achiceb. * I we m Q -ý--, ý:, j' iiºos . 'so Mi! .b 9 Weg, - . ýý.. ý, -; =XLý, ,. t!, rý, UK N1 '*. iß es. sü_ Ja. aw aws trat, ýs ýý . F ip-j-1 jr ll ___ ____ F. IM' _ l -ý-t. cv Rrl-j r 41 _J m riý"0 122 4 't1 __________ J; I. p for . no al ca. pes . is . le Xis eon; rinse um ob irwi. . . I ý oý 1ý n. EP aho_ to . tind iie 10 n MR va .i Jlo . gen n 5 9e1 4. Malia by Luigi Capuana's works for reference to Verga's stant to a large sed, Capuana and Francesco Paolo Frontini that be studied cannot without in the same field own achievements influenced extent, however, the theatre them. and conditioned It which, should , was in no way undirectional. A the relationship conbe stresApart from the advice and support Capuana offered to his friend during the latter's delicate he can also be phase of stylistic experimentation, towards the definition credited with at least one direct contribution technique of a new narrative In a letter to a short to Capuana, dated in Sicilian story verse before, and made an interesting genesis of Verga's on his ana exerted into which would evolve friend his statement style veristic 24 September 'Io associate: 1882, non dimenticherb several light throws as on the verismo. Verga referred had written which as well Verga's years on the influence of Capu- mai certa tua novel- la in versi appioppata al Vigo se non sbaglio come canto popolare,... Quello a un piccolo capolavoro, the la prima ispirae devo confessarti forma schiettamente popolare the ho cercato di dare alle 44 la devo a te'. Such an admission sounds quite flattermie novelle ing for Capuana as it comes soon after the publication of Vita dei zione della Verga is undoubtedly Campi and I Malavoglia. in his later lector and a flair Lionardo canti for was "Lu Cumpari", native Mineo, to trick his started d'amuri", intelletto d'amore" with several texts the indefatigable this the incipit from the Vita "Lu Cumpari" when the ethnologist Raccolta Nova. the fake him, in vernacular Verga. of Dante's amplissima researcher. remarkable ("The a good sense of humour Capuana offered which so much impressed 'ntillettu note: for and concise Capuana was a keen col- he had also material (1870-74), siciliani it. works than a sea-captain's to a plain At the time vernacular'poetry. made up by himself which behind of his of by Verga is mentioned story 'form' discovery conversion and songs; stories from his an octave in verse Vigo was collecting popolari material his off sparked and has a curious of popular on the to the accidental reference log-book as having 45 The tale style. Godfather") influence of Capuana's acknowledgement in this more convincing Another line: canzone The gullible 'Donni, di as original he had One of them 'canto' was ch'aviti "Donne the avete Vigo recorded as no. 980 of his Raccolta and accompanied it with a puzzled "This line is Dante's: did he take it from our poets or did they 123 take it from him? " After Verga had successfully reappropriated "Lu Cumpari" "Comparatico", first tember 1882), then and turned with of Capuana's his congratulated dei paratico its ga with the flashes remarks Teatro an effective stylistic novella, (Rome, 16 Sepalterations, It was eventualof short stories. (1907) and, when it appeared in vol. (Palermo, 1912), Verga siciliano dialettale friend "quell'altro tuo bellissimo and recalled 46 "Lu Cumpari" must have impressed popolari". Canti tense into substantial in more than one of his collections ly dramatized in Sicilian dialect III it Capuana new style, in La Cronaca Bizantina published included, his established narrative of vivid direct by the story teller, structure deprived the colourful with naive and crude Verlinks, of any transition speech interspersed Cum- moralizing dialect lending legend to the gruesome events of the fiction. Its influence, therefore, can best be seen in the structural pecuRusticana"; but the arduous of such stories as "Cavalleria an aura of popular specific liarities of Verga's elaboration tistic vision cious innovator characteristic language, the breadth of his ar- are far above any model Capuana might be able to offer. While Capuana can be said to have operated as the theorist and critic Verga was an autonomous and tenaof the naturalistic school in Italy, fluence his who pursued friend. his What Luigi own artistic Russo wrote ideal to in- and was able about the short story "Ca- "l'arte ha trasumanato il costume" - could not be extended to Capuana's works where local customs and superstitions are studied for their own sake, and the dispassionate analysis of a pathological case can be made the ultimate goal of a story or play. valleria" In this tion respect, of the play Malia is a very good example. (Rome, 1891) bears the dedication: affettuosissimamente". Verga and De Roberto The first "A Giovanni were among the first to be informed ediVerga few A letter Capuana wrote to about the new work. De Roberto from Rome on 25 November 1891 enables us to know the exact date of completion of the play and Capuana's own impression of it: people ieri alle 2e 40 p. m. misi la parola fine alla ... commedia Malia, e domani la leggerö a Cesare Rossi. Io sono contento del mio lavoro: mi pare Waver fatto una cosa teatralissima, drammaticissima, senza nessuna ombra di convenzione nei caratteri, nei sentimenti, nella parte tecnica della sceneggiatura. (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 94) 124 Malia tion that at the time when Verga was working on the dramatizaIt would not be unreasonable of La Lupa for Puccini. to assume the success of Mascagni's Cavalleria prompted Capuana to write a was written libretto for 1860-1939). Francesco play, his friend Although Pasta, an autograph and composer Francesco Capuana himself, stated that in a letter the opera manuscript libretto in the Biblioteca (Catania, Paolo Frontini to the actor-manager was derived from the Comunale of Mineo (Si- "Luigi Capuana. Malia. Melodramma in 3 atti. Roma 16-26 giugno 91" - seems to testify to the contrary. The document is marked "Autoby Capuana's wife Adelaide Bernardini, grafo originale" and it should cily) be a first draft developed into of the "melodrama" which Capuana later the play and libretto Be that as it may, it is clear from of Malia. Capuana's letter to Pasta that the text of the libretto he read to the actor in Rome must have been completed before the comedy: Roma, 28 Novembre 1891 Caro Pasta, la scrivo vi nuovamente per annunziarvi the mia ... il commedia Malia, quella stessa da cui era tratto melodramma the le lessi qui a Roma, e giä condotta in fine: i copioni... Il lavosto facendo preparare ro mi sembra riuscito caratteristico per la diRintu4# dei drammatico. ra costumi siciliani, e molto When the printed text of the play was ready, Capuana sent copies to Verga and De Roberto, and both friends responded with fully appreciative comments. Besides, writing to De Roberto about their project of La Lupa (see par. 1, letter dated 13 January 1892), Verga commenthe had noticed between his play and Malia; the ed on the similarities cheeky style is the one reserved for his intimate friends and the insults should be read in a jocular key: Ea proposito della Lupa ho scritto a Capuana che e un infame, un porco, un baloss... che mi ha fottuto due o3 scene della Lupa colla sua Malia, che e pure una bella cosa, la piü bella cosa forse che egli abbia scritto, e fui contento di dirglielo... Two years later, as the elaboration of La Lupa gained momentum, Verga again commented on the similarities with Malia, replying to De Roberto who had raised that point along with his doubts on Puccini's willingness to set their libretto (see par. 125 1, letter dated 13 April 1894): I punti di somiglianza Tu sai con Malia di Capuana. E del resto non me che la colpa non e mia di certo. La scena e le situazioni ne importa nulla. anche identiche non importano; giacche venti mani diverse in modo diverso. Del resto, in possono manipolarle confidenza, e me ne dispiace pel nostro Capuana, la Malia come opera e morta e seppellita e non se ne parla piü. Verga's remark justified about the hopeless by its unsuccessful 30 May 1893) and its 95, did nothing al qualities the opera Mala Pasqua! of drawing-room in dramatic talent and musical However, the libretto as an opera was (Teatro Brunetti, in Milan, Its a chance of survival. Malia a remarkable inventiveness in 18music- no more appealing The two composers were skilled songs and shared to the composition unsuited A revival shelving. were such as to make Frontini's than Gastaldon's facturers of Malia in Bologna premiere subsequent to secure failure manu- deficiency which made them totally of operas. of Malia is worth examining for a study the only of the stylistic and structural elements which characterize to the operatic theatre by the theorist contribution of literary veThere exist two editions of the libretto, one for each producrismo. (BoTedeschi by Achille tion of the opera: the first was published 1893); the second by Arturo De Marchi (Milan, 1895) who also The play Malia was included by Capuana in printed the vocal score. (1894) Le Paesane his collection short stories on the grounds that of formula he had tried to 'apply to a theatrical work the same artistic logna, used in the Paesane'. A wealthy farmer's daughter, Jana, falls in love with her future Cola, only days before her sister Nedda marries him. brother-in-law, by the physical The naive and God-fearing young woman is horrified that to a 'malia', she feels for the man, and she attributes During the wedding party, Nino, a spell cast. on her by Cola himself. Jana's fiance, presses the girl for an explanation of her strange attraction looks and depressed state, receiving only evasive answers. Four months later, visitors gather in Jana's house for the festival of the Immaculate Conception and the procession of the Madonna. Cola and Nedda altheir marriage is running into difficulties because of the so arrive; tendency of the man. Jana's obscure 'disease' is now a philandering family problem and Cola tries to talk 126 it over with the girl. Much to his and pleasure, she reveals her passion for him, her secret It will and horror, and begs him to break the spell. not be for the unscrupulous Cola to turn the situation to his advan- surprise anguish difficult tage. As the procession shouts abuse to the Madonna for approaches Jana's not saving house, the desperate her from her shameful woman frenzy. prey to Cola and their relationship goes on for some months until she finds the strength to resist him. Her refusal exasIn a perates the man and brings more tension between him and his wife. dramatic confrontation with Nino, Jana tells him everything and releases Jana falls The young man, shocked at first, all Jana has been through and offers to marry loves her. Jana accepts but Cola interferes try- him from any obligation blames the 'malia' for towards her. her because he still ing to dissuade her from leaving him. Nedda overhears their conversa- After provoca- and wreaks her resentment on her sister. tion from. Cola, Nino seizes a knife and kills tion and grape-harvesters. Just as in Verga's Cavalleria further him in front of relatives in Malia the social and is brought to life through Rusticana, cultural village environment of a Sicilian the interaction between the main characters and a chorus of villagers. backThe pathological the is 'bewitched' the against set girl case of festival and a grape-harvest. ground of a village wedding, a religious directMalia But, whilst the stylistic devices point of and structural ly back to Verga's "Scene popolari", the psychological analysis is typical of Capuana, and has precedents in his earlier narrative works, such (1883), (1877), Storia fosca Profili di donne and more specifically, as the short story "Tortura" (1889), the study of a middle-class woman On the othand almost driven to insanity. raped by her brother-in-law between Jana and Cola has some er hand, the incestuous relationship in La Lupa. Pina Nanni the and of situation with points of similarity In both plays we find the same kind of imagery connected with sin, and The spell alblend of religion the characteristic and superstition. her into leads her the Jana, of arms cast on which ultimately dynamic by Capuana is the brother-in-law, element as adopted cynical He illustrates the progress of the 'disease' moving of the action. in Act I from the early stage of the woman's agonizing reflections legedly when, owing to her behaviour clear that something serious relatives during the wedding party, it becomes upsets her. The gradual involvement of and neighbours reaches a climax at the end of Act II with 127 Jana's blasphemous convulsions. by a fit accusations against the Madonna followed of In Act III, Jana has already overcome the 'malia' by sim- ply her own mistake realizing but, in arguing her case with Eventually, vo resistergli'). 'breaking the spell'. The local colour background social 'disease'. Both in the play is as a 'canto, dance; breaks called sing when they force Teri, 'malia' in the displaying 'la of such a the climax involves dancing. of the wedPitre which in and, the effects Ruggiera', and describes two men and two Jana is reluctant to her to sing, of on the concept from the novella is Saverio led in, of a wicked friar, The poor man is help. Cola, a short story Capuana pubin Le Paesane (1894), soon after Malia, sick in Act and miserable, and claims Padre Benvenuto, a spell disgrace about Jana's to tease and witchcraft. Consequently, at the end of Act voke the help of a priest perstition is, II, therefore, the when Don to be the him at his to exorcise beg his former clients predicament, takes advan- 'mago' simplification of the action. relatives The mixture and friends incantation the devilish of religion Giu la buttate! Ella b la real No, benedetta non la chiamate Cotesta ebrea! Potea salvarmi! Non ha voluto! Sia maledetta! 128 his and express Don Saverio more striking: Jana: pains. In the libretto, Jana's the Madonna. against III who is beating and can only does not appear owing to the necessary makes her rail of mate- on him in the form of rheumatic who knows best in spells The insertion some comic relief now out of business tage of Don Saverio's scepticism 'I1 Mago', of the play'. provides feeling own game and has cast for belief a song while the protagonist as a 'commentary victim the cultural because it in 1889 and then included lished on the man by pub- she can manage only one line and 48 In the play, a sorcerer is off overwhelmed with emotion. to drive the spell away from the 'bewitched' woman. He is Don Saverio rial dance, e pantomima' women who, in turn, revenge and in the opera, a traditional ballo his to characterize for opportunities the wrong man; with she is still convinced that Cola's ('Ero nelle sue mani; non potespell of the superstitious offers party in love Nino takes contributes some cases, ding Nino, was an irresistible attractiveness licly in falling inwhich and su- Non ha voluto!... Sia maledetta! Tutti: L'opra infernale Qui c'e malia! Non ha voluto!... (cade in convulsione) e manifesta! Un sacerdote!. Altro ýý Malia! Malia! non resta!... indeed, the key point of the whole play (and opera): the conflict caused by the awakening of unrestrained sensuality in a young womanwith little education but strong religious and moral principles. That is, The very idea of fancying husband fills her sister's Jana with disgust; yet she cannot altogether repress her feelings, and the only reason she In a letter to De can find for that is the influence of an evil spell. Roberto, dated 26 December 1891, Capuana thanks his friend for the favourable opinion expressed on Malia and comments on the character Jana in the terms outlined above: of Jana ha sentito it fascino di Cola e lo dice chiaro nel suo monologo... Nella sua mente di contadina devota e credente, l'amore pet cognato non pub essere di malia. L'analisi altro the effetto non pub ne deve farla lei, ma lo spettatore; e mi pare di avergli dato tutti gli elementi. (Versa-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 177) The monologue Capuana refers to can be found in Act II of the play, A helpful but superstitious neighsoon after Don Saverio's visit. bour, Zia Pina, has arranged for the 'mago' to come with a pretext (selling some cloth) and take a look at the woman. But Jana cannot bear the old man and his panacea, and, being left alone with her affliction, she prays to the Immaculate Mother of God for help and describes how it Jana: happened that she fell in love with Cola: Se Ah bella Madre Immacolata, sapessero! Non reggo pits! Comea stasalvatemi voi! to? Voi sola lo sapete! Mi sedeva accanto.. parlava... ridevo... senza sospetto, con cuor Voi lo sapete. E' stato cosi! E' sincero!... Levatemelo voi dalla mente! mi stato cosi! Ah, the fuoco, the fuoco... sento impazzire! Hanno ragione: opera del demonio!... Jana's impassioned pleading is moved to the very beginning of Act I (Scene 2) so that it may provide the character with The actual prayer is an early opportunity for lyrical expansion. left out and the monologue aims at rationalizing the nature of the In the libretto, 129 sorcery which of the prose play operatic verse The warm and genuine expressions and cooled in the dry symmetry of the the woman. afflicts are stiffened Capuana inflicts Jana (sola) on his 'contadina': No, possibil non e, Vergine santa! Oh, come mai?... Bevevo Lentamente l'incanto! Di niente m'accorgevo! Ei mi sedeva accanto... Motteggiava... ridevo! E bevevo 1'incanto! Di niente m'accorgevo! Ed oggi, d'un tratto, La benda funesta dagli occhi mi cade! Mi tremano sotto i ginocchi, Mi fugge la vita dal cor! Un senso d'orrore m'invade... E'opra d'inferno, Signor! The woman's own subjective the objective description makes at the beginning and emotional Paolo asked the doctor riage seems to be the only trary to the opinion cluded lar from. is integrated by behaviour Jana's father of her unaccountable (play Act II The caring Masof and libretto). saio suffering analysis to see the young woman; an early marfor the strange 'disease', treatment conround of Zia Pina who swears it In the libretto the character and Capuana makes Paolo quote is 4malia' a Jana is of Zia Pina is not both the scientific in- and the popu- diagnosis: Paolo (da sý) Questo mal che la martira Natural cosa non ý. Muta, tetra qui s'aggira, Piange, o brontola da sý... Suda freddo, smorta al pari D'un cadavere si fa: E, convulsa, con le nari Sanguinanti, in urli dä. E' male d'amorel ripete il dottore. Mal'opra, mal'opra! dottore, pens'io! makes Cola all the more wicked and despicable in infatuation. In Act II, taking advantage of the woman's unwitting while he makes up hasty avowals of love, he sneers at Jana's anguish quoting a proverb as an aside: `Amore di cognata a gloria beata'. Jana's vulnerability The proverb becomes a concise way of musical characterization opera. During the long duet between Jana and Cola (II, 2), 130 in the it recurs four times as an aside and contradicts Jana: E' il vostro, Cola's Peccato Cola! hot-blooded statements: grande Zitta! La vostra e la mia stella La nostra sorte han scritta! (Da se) Amor di cognata E' gloria beata! Veder vo' se il proverbio Ha detto il vero o no! Cola: In Act III is reversed. Jana rebels against her subjugation and can stand up to Cola's entreaties and threats; on the contrary, Cola has developed a strong attachment to the woman and won't let the situation her go. It Cola: Jana: Cola: Jana: Cola: seems as though the 'malia' had backfired. E quando mi dicevi?... (interrompendolo) Ero pazza. mi faceva parlare a quel modo. La vostra malia E quando giuravi?... (c. s. ) Ero dicevo. Non sapevo pazza. quel the E ora the hai fatto impazzire me, ora the ti sei preso tutto il mio cuore, tutta l'anima mia, e io stesso non, so come e avvenuto... ora?... Voglio vederla!... -Sei mia!... Son due mesi the ti vengo dietro come un cagnolino!... Due mesi the mi fai tutte le pene dell'inferno! Due mesi soffrire the mi tieni a bada! Sposerai... ma quando vorrö io, e se vorrö; per ora sei mia, mia sei!... Malis (play), Act III and his stubborn interference will deterpossessive affection him. mine Nino to kill Capuana is fully successful in his portrayal of Jana. The pathological case of the 'bewitched' village woman is well integrated into Cola's the choral movement of relatives and neighbours, some of whom resemble Zia Pina, for example, is similar to Zia Verga's minor characters. (and to her namesake in La Lupa). On the whole, Filomena of Cavalleria ingredients with greater skill Capuana handles the veristic than Verga, and Malia has more cohesion than La Luna: local colour, humour, psychological analysis, religion and superstition, songs and dances have each dramatic rea necessary function and combine to produce an effective When we consider the 'commedia' and the libretto, the play is sult. Capuana had fairly old-fashioned much the better of the two versions. ideas about what an operatic text should be like 131 from a linguistic point and F. P. Frontini could Cavalleria example of Mascagni's make little in planning ture all of view, of Malia. In the libretto, The main roles Massaio Paolo, baritone; Nino, tenor no; Cola, in Act I; guests Act III). is involved in the three 2: Cola/Jana; ters is given her inner terms: atic Lupa. by far are eliminated. Nedda, mezzosopraby a Chorus (wedding soprano; Besides of the opera and interacts in grape-harvesters (I, with three solos, 4: Nino/Jana; the other she II, charac(I, 2) Two of the solos are prayers, the other feelings her position. The character and defines and opportunities is to say a role linguistic register that Jana's Jana, characters the longest. long duets the prominence all bass; 1: Nino/Jana) III, and the chorus. discloses is part the minor - are supported in Act II; and relatives friends Jana's use of the innovatory the musico-dramatic struc- in oper- of a protagonist Verga would not allow for Pina in La literary an antiquated polish Santuzza, makes the libwhich, compared with the language of Mascagni's in the duets. The retto of Cavalleria much more veristic, particularly same can be said difference for Nino's exhibits A good example of the substantial between Capuana's prose play and the libretto of register part. of Malia is to be found in the crucial duet of Act II (Jana/Cola). In the play, Jana expresses her anguish in truly veristic terms; an obsession with 'hell' and 'damnation', self-pity and moral scruples are clearly understandable in her impassioned words: Cola: Jana: Cola: Jana: Jana!... Jana! Che male c'e se mi volete bene? No, no! Non mi guardate cosi! Ah, cotesti Non mi toccate, Cola: per caritä! Abocchi! biate pieta di me! Scioglietemi! Scioglietemi! Vorrei potervi Mi avete attaccare piü forte! Non lo vedete? attaccato Non peggio, Jana. lo capite? Vi ho nel cuore anch'io. Non a vero; non pub essere; non dev'essere. Che avete mai fatto! Mi avete messo l'inferno nell'anima. Quante lagrime, Signore! Quante nottate senza sonno, Signore! Mi volete dannata, insomma? .............. [Cola takes Jana in his arms and kisses her while Jana: No!... Cola! ... Cognato!... she struggles] No!... Non voglio!... vi amo!... No... (gli sfugge Mostro! Mostro! Mostro! dalle braccia) (Malia, 132 Non V'odio! play, II) In the equivalent passage of the libretto, the sense of the dramatic between Jana and Cola is distorted, and her heart-rend- confrontation ing emotions into are turned a set of stereotyped antitheses one might (love/hate; from an amateur Petrarchist attraction/repulsion): expect Cola Jana Zitta! Zitta!... V'amo e v'odio! M'amate? Vi fulmini E' il destino! il cielo! V'odio, si, se mi state vicino; Ma, voi lungi, delira il mio cor! V'amo e v'odio! Vi fuggo e v'anelo! Schiava vostra ridotta son io! Per disfar 1'incantesimo rio, Pianto ho indarno e pregato finor! (Malia, opera, II) Lines such as these belong to the age-old tradition of Italian opera(UU-UU-UU--). The use of the antithesis tic decasillabi in 'V'amo e Vi fuggo e v'anelo! ' goes back to lines such as Da Ponte's v'odio! or di fuoco, ora Sono di ghiaccio' (I, Figaro 5). (wicked), Rhetorical able verse a veneer finds lines of Jana's style. poser's in an arioso which Jana's line 1A). 'V'amo e v'odio! at sings to parlato 'V'amo'on for of the libret- the next word, pianissimo sottovoce parlando against for disfar 'Per Frontini version at l'incantesimo resumes the motive as a reminder on the villain's takes interval on markedly ' While tremolo melody, doubfea- veristic the orchestra the accompaniment, from fortissimo vostra', melody, (Ex. rio' of the arioso of Jana's setting of an eleventh and bursts in' (Ex. 1B). No less character- 'v'odio! 'Schiava the orchestral sung to a plaintive e v'anelo! is the sharp change of dynamics istic symmetrical a good example of the com- offers unavoidable a steep by as required to the convention This its unremark- The conserva- is Vi fuggo the tune with appropriates soprano (Ex. Capuana's to give in Frontini's counterpart 'rio' of Jana and Nino. adhesion first (far), 'lungi' and appropriateness of the roles its led by the orchestra tures are intended in Le Nozze di aria words like of distinction of Capuana's character to in verse figures, vain), lyricism the sustained tive (in 'indarno' of Cherubino's surrender con forza where the voice, still to in returns at last to the melody 1C). At the end of the opera, in its fortissimo to Cola and a final orchestral comment killing. The mawkish conclusion of the duet Jana/Cola accentuates the difference between the prose play and the libretto. The figure of the 133 Malia Ex. IA - Frontini, "' All! rtooAo JANA tnllovoce . ý - _-r=- V'a k i ý -- --diu! Vi mo c vºu ... .... A l ltto MoNAo iIiii: -j d ý 1ýIýseý;ueiido t1 caulo mi .. P ......,..... ........... fu) ... i . ni il --O-o ............ ,ý_ ý_ I S "ý.. Ex. 1B - 10! CIC .. """"""" "". Wafu J v'odio l COLA " ittal ß--:: -1- , -ýý >} :ý- ?>> ýý _8. yýy 4'i70 " rý r ' ý, ýI " ý_ ,ý. . ýý Ex. 1C 1) Per di Schiava voatra { 1'incan.te si. mo afar . . .0ý ppp "otlovoes 0 ý" ý" . ýý. ri .o . ý" rý. r" J, IL ý. rý #ý. ß.#.ý. r" ýý 'contadina' with is pushed aside and replaced tormented by moral scruples a languorous of her sexual arms as a fulfilment Jana desire: ...................... (Si .......... abbandona un po' trale Ma tu non ardi! Ma tu non mi ami! Del fuoco istesso in Cola's her self-destruction woman contemplating . braccia che mi dispera! (Gli di 1ui) sfugge) Tra le tue braccia (Torna ad abbandonarsi) In quest'istante morir vorrei! L'orrendo fato che mi minaccia Sotto i tuoi baci sfidar saprei. Non mi toccate!... More examples of Capuana's borrowings from standard operatic vocabuHe uses 'ambascia' (anguish) in: lary can be found in Nino's part. Nino Ah, Jana Quale tremenda ambascial Scoglierci! Dopo tanti Sogni d'amore! (II, is a favourite 'lungi' 3) adverb of both Jana and Nino from their first duet: Jana Nino 'rio' or e la real' for Quel giorno the a voi par cos! vicino, Mi par the lungi, lungi, assai, fugg!... Oh, non scotete la testa cos!! Lungi fuggi?... Parlate!... (I, 4) Non mi celate nulla!... recurs a few more times: (Nino). (Jana); 'rio destino' 'reo' evil/wicked Nino is 'pravo' 'vincoli rei' (Jana); An alternative 'Ella adjective used by Nino in an enjambment: Lungi n'andrem di qua! Ormai la prava Volete? Opra giä vinta fu!... (III, 1) Apart from the marginal figures of Nedda and Massaio Paolo, the features is register retains veristic only character whose linguistic What Nino and Jana call 'rio destino' or 'orrendo Cola, the villain. is for Cola, more simply, 'mala sorte'. His psychology partakes I, in Act Turiddu Alfio. bad As bridegroom, the and of a qualities of fato' 135 Cola is convivial and extrovert: Cola The cälia weddings advantage insolent Jana is Su, su, bevete, Su, su, gustate, amici, i dolci E la cälia che stimola la gola E fa bere e riber!... are soaked and toasted in Sicily. of the In Act II, 'malia' (I, 3) traditionally offered Cola behaves as a cynical amd make Jana his lover. He swears and threatens and mafioso. going chick-peas nostri at liar to take III, he is In Act when he is told that to marry Nino: Cola E' vero?... E' vero? Andrai tu sposa a Nino? Mal faceste ... I conti tutti e due! .. Per la'Madonna! Pel sangue!... .......... .. .... Ebbene, andre in galera, Ma sua tu non sarai!... (III, 3) In the final with Nino, the mafioso component comes out when Cola admits no arguing about his claim that Jana is not willing The sapid, colloquial to get married. style of the prose play enli(to libretto the the of no avail for the music, though): verse vens confrontation Cola Se affermo una cosa, Tutti in paese lo sanno, Non ci ha gusto a smentirmi chi l'osa! (libretto, III, 4) Nino (avvicinandosi a Jana, the smania e piange in un canto) detto Avete di Jana? no, (afferrandolo pel braccio e scostandolo, con aria braveggiante) - Quando io affermo lo sanno nel paese - non una cosa - tutti ci ha gusto chi pretende smentirmi! (Nino e Cola stanno per afferrarsi). (play, III) Cola The almost literal transposition of the lines indicates how important in they are for Capuana to focus the quarrelsome and defiant traits Cola's personality. The involvement of the villagers as witnesses to a claim points directly to Verga's Alfio. 136 In Cavalleria Rusticana (play, Scene 1), the resolute 'carrettiere' asserts his right to take by himself and calls on the whole village to care of his own interests support his words: 'I miei interessi me li guardo io, da me,... E in palo sanno, grazie a Dio! ' It is the same language, but the ese tutti implications Alfio is the hard-working, honourable marare opposite. ried man who will not tolerate any wrong; Cola is a despicable boaster. In the previous ficant similarity with Verga's tween Nedda, Cola and Jana, affair with operatic her husband. versification of the veristic both used by Nedda with conclusion the vivid, The word regard Jana: Cola: Jana: Nedda: Cola: Pina: Mara: Pina: Mara: Pina: Mara: Pina: 'thief', dialogue from the stifling the metaphor behaviour, Both passages speech of the early of the snake, remind us of the which Verga was writbear the hallmark Verghian prose style: (scoppiando e mostrandosi) Ah! Che sento!... La ladra tu sei? Dunque tu mi rubavi il suo amore! Ladra! Ladra!... Sgualdrina!... E potei Questa serpe allevarmi sul core!... Mia sorella! Tacete per Dio!... (a Nedda) Taci! Taci! 0 ne va di tua vita! Mia sorella!... Perduta son io! Ladra!... Ecco gente!... Malia (libretto, III, 3) (investendola, bieca e con voce sorda). Schiacciami la testa con le tue mani allora... giacche sono io la vipera!... Andrai dal confessore poi... anche tu! Scomunicata! scomunicata the siete! Taci! Ladra! Ladra! Taci! Ladra! Venite sin qui a rubarmi la mia pace! Madre scellerata! (come una belva ferita). Ah, vedi? vedi?... La Lupa (play, II, 5) 137 be- out about her sister's in La Lupa (play) Taci.... a signi- to the straightforwardness restored to Jana's we find biting are disentangled at the same time. sharp direct Nedda: II, 3), in the tense, Nedda finds after The lines of Scene 5, Act ing more or less style and almost prose. (III, libretto scene of the of Examples such as the one quoted above are exceptions in Malia. In any case, they are limited to Cola's lines and the immediate response of his For the rest, interlocutors. Capuana chose to define between the linguistic tion of the operatic layout ter libretto The interference text. could lines implies of the veristic register of the libretto of the strophic his the term only accentuate and their 'melodramma' differentiation a radical play which and the versifica- of the composer on the the conservative charac- metres. On the whole, the opera is conventional and dull. The easy-going, tuneful modes of drawing-room songs are applied to climactic moments The harmonic texture is unimaginative, and lyrical passages alike. insipid, seventh chord being treated as a daring generaFrontini's to be used sparingly. compositional devices the diminished tor of tension string tremolos, arpeggio acare nothing more than worn-out cliches: companiments, constant doubling of the vocal line, occasional parlato, strongly contrasted dynamics. The musical verismo of the opera is conto the quotation of a few popular songs and dances in Act I, a The third act opens with in Act III. complete song and two stornelli which aptly introduces the grape-harvesters' an "Andantino villereccio" It is a and interwoven with the duet Jana/Nino. song, sung off-stage fined love song and consists of an octave of endecasillabi in alternate rhyme: Voi delle belle la regina siete, delle dolcezze la palma portate, Una spera di sole in petto avete, E ride il cielo quando voi parlate. In mano il cuore mio stretto tenete; Due cuori sono troppi; the ne fate? I1 vostro in petto a me lo riponete, E sia la vera prova the mi amate. knowledge of Sicilian folkof his first-hand 50 The actual practice of chosongs of which he was a keen collector. The first two lines are sung by one voice ral singing is reproduced. of the chorus while the others hum the cadence on the resting note of Frontini availed himself (Ex. 2A). Then the dominant-tonic each phrase: subdominant-tonic; line to a different tune and Frontini whole chorus sings the first interpolates a more elaborate section on the second and fourth lines (Ex. 2B). addition rustic The second quatrain of a countermelody for idyll. is arranged in the same way with the solo oboe as a finishing 138 touch to the Malia Ex. 2A - Frontini, (D" lontano avvirlnaadoel a per* a peeeº Una Moteibla) ! Lj7 Voi p-er I±r bel. le la.... _., en" : ollor. oee del. le öli' re gi tia . . TIJ te. r sio .. ii " Del lex. _ ton. -10 dol. ces se . 14 pal. mn por . AL ! a teý ...ku . 0 . . w. le». ý'Ah! a Impo TUTTI Ex. 2B - del. lo bel. lo Vie (with Del _1ºº1º- . L Is dol FI 1FF 139 Vol de1.1e bei Vol del. del. l'e bei bel ro. gi . na . . le lo orchestra) L er. se a . . Er la pali-, taa ý. 1 ta " to. por. ' ý 'a ,i rr-- Fi iF- r- R Apart from the documentary interest Frontini, of the few songs quoted by there is little A modern revielse his opera could offer. val of Malia, in the most favourable environment (Catania, 6 April 1957), confirmed its utter mediocrity. A review in the daily 'paper La ("Valori musicali della Malia di Frontini", Sicilia 7 April 1957), apart from praising the inclusion of popular themes, could only underline the non-veristic incharacter of the music and the all-pervasive fluence of the drawing-room style. After the opera friend lar and playwright version lettale still enjoyed a made in 1903 by Capuana's translation In 1911 the vernacuvolume of Capuana's Teatro dia51 But the strong disapproval. Giuseppe Giusti-Sinopoli. was published siciliano the play oblivion, in a Sicilian success widespread sank into in the first and met with of the Sicilian dialect Verga's as a natural medium for a story of popuIn 1908 Malia was lar passions and superstitions was a sensible one. touring company of Giovanni Grasso performed in Paris by the Sicilian choice and Mimi Aguglia and the Revue Politique (Paul Flat, "Theatre review et Litteraire enthusiastic de l'Oeuvre. de la troupe importance sicilienne", of how the journal lorsqu'il rique, Puccini, dans notre tels difficile it Italian had repeatedly du verisme s'agissait drame musical et autres, frangais, du vdrisme de ne pas constater est traduit it par des acteurs d'art' and remembered 'dans sa manifestation musical Italien, oü M. Alfred proprement un veritable Bruneau imitait position litteraire.... oü il dramatique, comme ceux de la troupe 140 jusque That critical intdret ly- des celui et de son retentissement ä eux. ' et s'apparentait 'L'intdret 1908). attacked an Reprdsentations The author discussed the as a 'doctrine verismo des Leoncavallo devanciers not affect 18 January published sicilienne. de did est quand ' Chapter 4 SALVATOREDI 1. The poet of colours GIACOMOAND NEAPOLITAN VERISMO and sounds In a long essay on "La vita letteraria a Napoli dal 1860 al 1900", Benedetto Croce illustrates the revival of literary, and philosophical historical in Naples which folstudies and the awakening of literature the Risorgimento had confined to of the intellectuals Scholars and thinkers such as Francesco elsewhere. Silvio and Bertrando Spaventa, Vittorio Imbriani, Luigi Set- lowed the return prison or driven De Sanctis, new blood into the stifled and pedantic University of the former Bourbon capital and opened up the citadel of academic and larger audiences by promoting and conculture to wider interests 1 journals and daily 'papers. to political tributing and literary tembrini, injected In the 1880s that generation of revolutionaries and men of letlife of the city continued to ters came to an end, but the cultural Neapolitans starflourish as a new generation of gifted and versatile Along with ted their careers in the prosperous field of journalism. founded dailies the newly affairs, and journals on current articles literary feature reviews, poems and songs in vernacuwould regularly life of Naples. Italian lar, essays on the social and artistic verifrequently French most naturalism, smo and a major influence on those young writers. under scrutiny, exercised In the late '70s, De Sanc- had set an authoritative example publishing some important articles on Zola in a modest newspaper, Roma, founded in 1862. In the next Vittorio Pica followed suit decade, the young critic and journalist writing extensively on Zola, the Goncourts, Maupassant, and other tis Well before outside influences were felt French and Russian authors. life of the city, realistic tendencies were apparent on the cultural in the Neapolitan school of painting which had Filippo Palizzi (18181899) as its best representative, and distinguished such as artists Gioacchino Toma (1838-1891). Realism was also the prevailing feature in the vigorous art of the Neapolitan sculptor Vincenzo Gemito (18521929). It is in this stimulating cultural 141 environment that we first find Di Giacomo (1860-1934) Salvatore board of the shorton the editorial (1881-83), lived literary journal Fantasio Pica together with Vittorio (founded in A daily 'paper, Corriere del mattino and Rocco Pagliara. 1876), so contributed influence If to two quality on the tastes I1 Corriere ler Di Giacomo's published di Napoli first short 'papers stories. which were to exercise and opinions of the Neapolitan (1892). (1887) and 11 Mattino we were to remember Di Giacomo only of the glories The young poet and miseries of Naples, middle as a sympathetic we should al- a strong classes: chronic- range him with journalist and writer another distinguished of his time, Matilde Serao (1856-1927). In some of his prose works we can find the same documentary interest in Serao's and the impassioned participation we appreciate di Napoli (1884). It might be more appropriate, though, to I1 ventre consider the wealth of essays, articles and books Di Giacomo wrote on a wide range of subjects connected with Naples, its history and tradiIn this case, we admire the discreet tions, the arts and the people. and engaging narrator of Napoli: figure e paesi (1909) or Luci ed ombre (1914), and the patient researcher in I guattro antichi Connapoletane servatori di musica a Napoli (Palermo, 1923-24,2 vols. ), a meticulous work on the Neapolitan school of music. Di Gia2 learned a man. certainly como was It is, however, the vernacular writer we have to turn to in orand widely informative der to understand and define literature. Italian century Di Giacomo's position in late nineteenth The subject-matter of Di Giacomo's stories, is few the sordid always veristic: with exceptions, plays, poems and proletariat, aspects in the life of his tormented city, its destitute between the natural beauty of the place and the (the dwellings bassi) in the poor the of alleys and appalling ugliness districts the 'bowels of Naof Porto, Pendino, Mercato and Vicaria, in Serao's expression. But the scientific, detached approach ples', the striking contrast of the Neaalien to the sensibility preached by naturalism is totally Detachnor is Verga's austere pessimism any closer. politan writer, A breath of poetry turns the ment in Di Giacomo means pure lyricism. crude matter moulded into into art; the colourful idiom of the commonpeople is of Metaendecasillabi and settenari sonnets and stanzas, (1884) Sunette is the title stasian polish. antiche of an early collection of poems. From Metastasian opera Di Giacomo borrows the strophic aria form and writes Ariette e sunette (1898); or he alternates 142 the arietta the more flexible No matter e canzone nove (1916). metres how old of the canzone in Ariette the form and illustrious may be, the content pulsates genuine poetic tempered by formal and pity, prostitute, ment, with starving with restraint, and exhausted who desperately tries Melancholy the picture permeate after to lure emotion. a fruitless the passers-by night of a young on the pave- in the daylight: ................... Irma: nomme furastiero: ma se chiamma Peppenella: fuie ngannata 'a nu furiero, e mo... campa... (puverella! ) Passa gente. E' fatto iourno. "Psst! Siente!... " E rire... e chiamma... C'ha dda fa' si ha perzo 'o scuorno? C'ha dda fa? Se more 'e famma. Mmerz' 'e nnove s'ha mängiata na fresella nfosa a 11'acqua. E mo, comme a na mappata, sta llä nterra. E dorme, stracqua. (Di Giacomo, I, p. 327) ........... Irma: strange name: but she is called Peppenella: she was seduced by a quartermaster, (poor thing! ) and now... she's on the streets... People pass by. It is daylight. "Psst! Listen!... " And she laughs... and calls... What can she do if she's lost all shame? What can she do? She is starving. At about nine she ate some bread dipped in water. And now, like a big bundle, And sleeps, she lies down there. exhausted. An arietta portrays the changeable March weather and a woman's fickleimages of light and shade. In a moment of stillness, ness in lyrical as the bird halts his song and the violet sighs in the wet grass, we feel it is springtime: Marzo Marzo: nu poco chiove e n'ato ppoco stracqua: torna a chiovere, schiove, ride 'o sole cu 11'acqua. March March: it rains a while and for a while it stops: it starts again, it clears up, the sun laughs with the water. 143 Mo nu cielo celeste, mo n'aria cupa e nera: mo d' 'o vierno 'e tempeste, mo n'aria 'e primmavera. Now the sky is blue, now it looks dull and black: now it's winter's storms, now a spring air. freddigliuso N'auciello aspetta ch'esce 'o sole: ncopp' 'o tturreno nfuso suspireno 'e vviole... A cold bird waits for the sun to shine: over the wet turf Catarl!... Che buo' cchiü? Ntidnneme, core mio! Marzo, tu 'o ssaie, Si' tu, songo io. e st'auciello Catherine!... What more? Understand me, sweetheart! March, you know, it's you, and that bird is me. In one of his best lyrics, full darkness and silence, sighs the violet... colour and sound are toned down to almost and the whistle of a cricket heralds the melancholy of autumn: Sera 'e settembre - luna settembrina, 'e nnuvole nere ca'int' t'arravuoglie e te sbruoglie, e 'a parte d' 'a marina mo faie luce e mo no silenzio, nfuso quase 'a 11'ummeditä strata addurmuta, .. arillo ca stu strillo 'o silenzio mmefaie dint' n'ata vota sent!... Zicr!! Zicr!! Zicrl accumpagnate 'a casa stu pover'ommo, stu core cunfuso, sti penziere scuntente, e st'anema ca sente cad'e ncopp 'a stu munno n'ata malincunia chesta 'e 11'autunno... From: "Arillo, animaluccio cantatore" (Di Giacomo, I, September night - september moon, black clouds fold and unfold you, and over the sea you shine at times or hide stillness, almost wet with dew sleeping street, .. 144 p. 429) cricket, again you whistle to me in the quiet... Zicri! Zicri! Zicri! take home this poor man, heart, this troubled these unhappy thoughts, and this soul which feels a new melancholy come over this world - the melancholy of autumn... ical Di Giacomo's art has the ability to transpose reality images with the spontaneity of the draftsman who fills into poet- his sketch- book with the fleeting visions of life and the skill of the painter who Whether we examine his poems or his selects and blends his colours. stories, or analyse their dramatized versions, we always detect Di 'Realismo di colore', 'realismo at work. are some of the definitions used by Luigi Russo study on the Neapolitan poet (Salvatore Di Giacomo, Giacomo's pictorial lirico o musicale', in his critical Napoli, 1921). taste And discussing Di Giacomo's most powerful composition the dramatic poem A San Francisco (1895), Russo in the vernacular, there is his points out that at the roots of the poet's inspiration 'gusto della tragedia di colore, e non giä della tragedia nella sua He adds: 'Con tutto cib, in cotesta rappresenintimitä psicologica'. del tragico, tazione pittorica not sentiamo di vivere nell'assoluto (Di 128-29). Giacomo, The exterior p. nature of the dracapolavoro' well suits the miniature form of A San Francisco -a matic conflict sequence of seven sonnets - and, compressed in those ninety-eight lines, the representation of a murder in a prison fills us with horDi Giacomo's veristic technique reminds us of Capuana's tale in ror. (187 lines grouped in stanzas of different length). Lu cumpari verse his wife, her lover and their little There, a betrayed husband kills boy he believed to be his own. Capuana's approach is strictly narrative and the direct speech only heightens the tension of the story. In A San Francisco, the scanty narrative connecting the harsh, tense brings to life the sombre interior of a prison room shared by ten men and a twelve-year-old boy. The misery of the inmates, a the base personality sense of claustrophobia, of the two protagonists, are all conveyed by gestures, pauses, swearwords. The sonnet form en- dialogue, capsulates the veristic scenes like 145 pictures on the canvas of an old story-teller, and the breath-taking account of the murder unfolds under our eyes and catches our imagination. A man is brought into the prison of San Francesco (in Naples) for having killed his wife. The newcomer, Don Giovanni, recognizes a friend among the inmates, Tore, and the two bribe the gaoler to be allowed to stay up at night to chat quietly. But Don Giovanni knows his friend is his wife's lover, and, after telling him about the woman's death, he kills Tore. The sixth sonnet is entirely taken by the agitated dialogue between the betrayed husband and his next victim. Tore's uneasiness turns into terror when he realizes Don Giovanni knows about him. The fragmentary lines are gradually reduced to monosyllabic growled utterances; then the sudden flash gle (sonnet VII): of a knife and the noise of a strug- VI Ma... bulite di'?... dicette Tore che Io... nn'arrivo a capi... Ronna Ndriana?!... Leve ddonna, famme favore! stu stu Chiammela a nomme... Schifosa, puttana!... L1'aggio accisa! - 'On Giuvä!... Si!... Pe 11'onore. ... Accisa!... Ndriana!... E... quanno?... -'A na semmana. Mmescurnacchiava cu nu mio signore, e io 11'aggio accisa! Si! Comm' a na cana!... Siente... E pecche te scuoste? - Io?... Nun.. me scosto... ... fatto 'o te si' pecche mpont' scanno?... -E Io?... Fatte No... Mm'accosto... cchiü ccä... ccä... -Sto Tu Siente... Mme 'A siente?... ngannava!... n'anno!... E... saie cu chi? - Cu... chi?... - Mo nn' 'o ssaie cchiü?... St'amico.. nun 'o saie?... -Chi?... -Chi?... Si' tu! VII 'acciaro 'e nu curtiello. Lucette '0 scanno Tore cadette s'avutaie, s'abbucaie. 'o fuie ncuollo. e chill'ato -E' n'anno, ca te ievo truvanno! - lle dicette. ........... e n'anno .. (Di Giacomo, I, From: A San Francisco pp. 248-49) VI But... do Tore what you mean?... said I... cannot understand... Donna Adriana? l... Drop 'donna', do that favour! me a Call her by her name... Filthy slut!... 146 I killed Adriana!... She betrayed and I killed her! - Don Giovanni!... Yes!... For honour. my Killed! And... when?... - A week ago. ... me with some kind of a gentleman, her! Yes! like a bitch!... ' Listen... And why do you slip away? Me?... I... don't... ... And have to the bench?... the why you moved edge of - Me?... No... - Get closer... - Here I Close by... am... - You hear Listen... She deceived A me?... me!... whole year!... And... you know who with? With... know that who?... you -Don't This friend... you don't know?..: Who?... -Who?... It's you! - VII The steel of a knife flashed. The bench tipped and overturned. Tore fell down and the other one was on him. -A whole year, one year I have been looking for you! - he said to him. ........... The year after its publication, A San Francisco was turned into a "Scena lirica a libretto, napoletana", which Di Giacomo prepared for The poem lent itself a local composer, Carlo Sebastiani (1858-1924). that Di Giacomo had just to deso well to the operatic transposition velop the narrative sections into detailed stage directions and split the lines of the dialogue to make up the individual The rough parts. vernacular was kept exactly as it was in the original sonnets, except for three strong expressions which were rendered with equally veristic Two of them are in Sonnet VI quoted above: 'Schibut less rude terms. fosa, puttana! ' was mitigated into 'scellerata 'nfama', and 'Mme scur('she made me a cuckold') became 'S' 'a ntenneva' ('she was nacchiava' The "Scena lirica" having an affair'). was first performed on 13 October 1896 at the Teatro Mercadante, in Naples, with success. The di Napoli published a long and favourable review stating that: 'I1 dramma, cosi rapido e cosi denso,... ha vinto iersera e intimamente penetrato tutto quanto it pubblico'. The score opera, lasting only a half-hour, of the little seems to be lost and comments as the epitaph of yet another we can take the Corriere's following day the Corriere The libretto of operatic verismo. of A San Francisco was printed by the same publisher of the sonnets (Luigi Pierro, Napoli, 1896) and can be read as an annotated edition of the poem. In 1897 Di Giacomo reshaped the sonnets into a one-act play still-born creature where the character of Tore, now Peppe, is explicitly 'camorrista', treated with respect by the inmates. 147 as a qualified That was his ac- now?... tual in the poem. The new text, however, does not come up to the conciseness and beauty of the seven sonnets. The derivative character of Di Giacomo's plays is no exception in the tradition of veriThe examples of Verga's Cavalleria Rusticana and La stic theatre. Lupa are well-known. Quite often the comparison between the narrative and the dramatized text is unfavourable to the latter. Di Giacomo's major plays, Malavita (1889) and Assunta Spina (1910), derived from two beautiful short stories, exhibit a distinct character and status imply a different approach of the author to the same subject matter, not least because the vernacular is used instead of the Italian of the source. The same can be said for the one-act play '0 mese mariano (1900), derived from the novella ".Senza vederlo". The predominance of the environment over the individual the abundance of characters, the inclusion of melodramatic effects picturesque and humorous details, differentiate at the expense of emotional restraint, the plays from the short stories. These characteristics into are mostly in Malavita. evident Its con- opera was, in a way, a natural evolution of the dramatized text in the vernacular. Long after the fashion of vein Italian ristic subjects influopera had given way to new literary version the other ences, (1910) two plays by U. Giordano Assunta retto a veristic Spina (1955) by Vittorio is Giordano's operatic on a libretto Mala Vita verismo prepared by the Neapolitan Viviani). By far (1892) the relationship versified libretto. A comparative "II and the derived tect and evaluate play the variations came with Malavita (lib- Langella of the three the high tide of advance on the Cavalleria- between the prose analysis Mese Mariano by Di Giacomo himself; the most interesting and marked an appreciable as regards operas: composer Franco because it prototype voto" into turned were also play of Di Giacomo's is essential in order introduced in the libretto. and the novella to de- The dramatization of "I1 voto", from the collection of short (1888), was Di Giacomo's first stories Rosa Bellavita experiment in vernacular theatre and it proved a success in Naples and elsewhere in Italy. The play was elaborated in collaboration with a local jourGoffredo Cognetti. A different title, Malavita, was chosen, nalist, but Di Giacomo later renamed it '0 Voto and as such he published it in the first edition of his Teatro (Lanciano, 1910) including A San 148 Francisco, Assunta Spina, of Malavita choice '0 mere mariano, community. Di Giacomo and Cognetti to a highly coloured choral of a particular cause of the time The setting dino meurt. was meant to indicate vow to the wretched life expanded the original The the of a whole in- situation exposed the morality, superlower classes. and weaknesses of the Neapolitan The illustr- stitions ation title as a more suitable of emphasis from the personal shift Quand l'amour district project the recent horrors added a topical milieu and place of the interest to the story be- action. of both versions of the city, by a major scene which is the maze of alleys one of the areas selected for in the Pendemolition of urban renewal approved in 1885, after the latest cholera epidemic (1884) had taken a heavy toll in the 'bowels of lives A huge Crucifix, of Naples'. base, erected on a blue and yellow tiled decorates or rather encumbers the corner of an alley, a sad memento of wrought by that away from the Cross, the workshop coloured sorts. rags of all In I1 ventre with di Napoli such unhealthy, disease. of the dyer Vito Dye-houses Matilde dingy devastating were quite Serao describes A few yards Amante displays common in the a whole street area. lined places: La via di Mezzocannone e popolata tutta di tintori: infondo a ogni bottega bruna, arde un fuoco vivo sotto una grossa caldaia nera, dove gli uomini seminudi agitano una miscela fumante; sulla porta si asciugano dei cenci rossi e violetti; sulle selci disgiunte, cola sempre una feccia di tintura multicolo3 re. of "I1 voto" suffers from consumption caused mainly by the chemicals he uses in his job. After one more haemoptysis, Vito Amante is so upset by his hopeless illness that he decides to make a in the alley. May God grant that he resolemn vow to the Crucifix from her shameful cover his health and he will redeem a prostitute life by marrying her. A popular belief considered that offer to be The 'tintore' the utmost a man could do as an expiatory sacrifice because of the involved insuch a marriage. personal and public humiliation Vito has much to account for in moral and social terms since he has been having a relationship with a cabman's wife, Amalia, who lives in the The news of the vow travels fast in the neighbourhood and, as Vito returns from buying candles for the Crucifix, a rose same alley. 149 falls on his from the window of a nearby brothel. The silent shoulders 'la capuana', from the message comes from Cristina a young prostitute little town of Capua, near Naples. The man offers to marry the 'girl from Capua' but his willed Amalia the unfortunate weakness prevails manages to dissuade Cristina over his The strong- commitment. him from fulfilling goes back to the wretched his lifein promise and the brothel. The novella exemplifies Di Giacomo's fundamentally poetic inspiThe veristic taste. ration and his pictorial narrative technique provides emotional restraint and conciseness, but the writer strikes a personal note when he uses chromatic effects with highly expressive The story is organized in five separate sections. The narresults. ration starts in medias res with the dyer's vow. Vito's desperate, in the sunlit alley promof the huge Crucifix response the poet renders with impressionistic efpts a collective As Vito cries out his misery, his workmen emerge from the murfects. loud statement in front of the dye-house to watch him in silence. faces contrast with the blue, red, green dye on their ky interior Their sickly hands and arms: Vera accorsa a udire ea guardar, sulla soglia, tutle ta la turba cachettica dei suoi garzoni tintori, nervose braccia nude, macchiate bizzarramente di verinfilate in made o di porpora fin sopra a' cubiti, tasse di lana e di seta gocciolanti azzurrine lacrime Altre pallide teste s'affacciavano intorno. e pigliasul fondo nero della tintoria, altre mani vano rilievo insanguigne si puntavano agli stipiti, gialle, verdi, delle continue loro impronte. sudiciati (Di Giacomo, I, p. 906) The loud incipit 'Ah, Cristo crocifisso mio! ' resounds throughThe dyer is kept isolated from the on- out section I of the story. lookers and any response, whether individual or choral, is carefully The toned down and spaced by pauses of silence or visual details. sickening stink and the coughing from the dye-house convey the physical decay of the men and point to the reason for the dyer's has impressed even the children of the alley: vow which le I bambini, davanti alla bottega, s'incantavano, E tutto piccole mani sul dosso, la bocca aperta. il vicolo s'empiva d'un susurro incessante e parteDa una tinozza un gran fumo cipava al gran fatto... azzurrognolo si levava, si diffondeva per la bottega. De' brevi colpi di tosse suonavano. Un acre odore usciva fin nella via, un pessimo odore di con- 150 cia, the assaliva con fortissima co... Vito non si vedeva. In the closing ration of the pierced the opening of section description on a meticulous crudeness recalls paragraph I, nausea to stoma- Di Giacomo interrupts of the Crucifix, hands and bleeding invocation the nar- lingering wounds. of the vow and spreads This final on the image a note of sad- the whole section. ness over The next two sections fall short of the first one in terms of In section II Vito goes out to buy candles for expressive poignancy. the Crucifix and, on his way back to the dye-house, he receives a rose The third section consists entirely from Cristina. of a long dialogue In sections IV and V Di Giacomo recaptures the initial atmosphere of physical decay, and resumes his compact narration with is now the centre of attention. Cristina In seceffects. pictorial Vito/Amalia. IV she goes to the dye-house to tell Vito that her papers are The scene is depicted with ready and finds him sulky and reticent. Light and shade contrasts remind us of a Caravagsymbolic overtones. tion The man sits gio interior. fumes and smells of freshly floor and a burnt-out cigar alone in the gloomy dye-house amid the dyed clothes. His legs stretched on the in one hand, Vito is lost in reverie. High light iron fitted bars, the tiny the with projects window, a on wall up from an adjacent garden. As the sun reaches the window, the light beam him. face dazzles knees, the falls the and of and chest man on gradually At that very moment Cristina arrives at his side and the sunlight soon shines on her minute figure: Sopra un fondo giallo, tutto giallo e luminoso, un gruppo di foglie nereggiava, palpitava al lievissimo alito del mattino, e ancora piü neri, phi nettamente, A un momensi disegnavano i bastoni dell'inferriata. to il sole si fece strada tra quelle foglie e penetrö Un nastro d'oro lamb) tremante le ginella tintoria. nocchia dell'Amante, gli sal) sul petto, gli pervenne 1'abbagliö... alla faccia, Vito! Vito! La capuana era accosto a lui, gli posava la mano sulla spalla, si chinava per guardare, la testa quasi poggiata alla testa di lui, ov'egli Subito una guardasse. di sole le s'avventö pur su di lei, la ragstriscia giunse in petto, sotto alla gola, tra i capelli biondi che s'accesero. (Di Giacomo, I, p. 915) 151 A gleam of hope seems to light up man and woman in the dingy But their dream of room. 'Guardavo it sole', says Vito to her. The strength of physical and moral regeneration will not come true. lead Vito to break social prejudice no less than his meanness finally his vow. Amalia finds a prompt ally in Vito's mother who can put up with her son's attachment to a married woman but will never bear the As she shame of having a former prostitute as her daughter-in-law. turns Cristina out of her house, she sweeps the threshold shouting: femmina! Fuori di casa mia! Qui si mangia onore e pane! ' Bread and honour, the food of the humble, are turned into shield by the over-protective a hypocritical mother. The scene of the epilogue (section V) features the huge Cruci'Fuori! Fuori!, trista in the dark alley, at night, with the lonely figure of a woman. The same verb of the incipit, 'gridb', used for Vito's vow, recurs bitter, for Cristina's reproachful words to the Christ: fix lo sai cosa ho sofferto! La mia vita la sai, Tu in croce! E sei tu che mi ci fai tornare, Cristo Io mi volevo salvare. Ho fatto pei peccati miei. ho sofferto tutto, Non hai tutto, per salvarmi! Cosl sia! Cos! sia!... E sia! voluto... (Di Giacomo, I, p. 918) away from that silent witness of human miseries, Cristina Her brothel. door knocks the the on of resolutely picks up a stone and io. La 'Sono last capuana', plunge the young woman words, reticent into the squalor and alienation of the 'mala casa'. is effaced by GofIn the play Malavita, Di Giacomo's lyricism And turning The conspicuspectacular and melodramatic effects. of the Neapolitan ous presence of the people, a real cross-section festival 'popolo piccolo', of the Piedigrotta and the introduction fredo Cognetti's fully justify "Scene popolari napoletane" which accomStructurally, the play is modelled on the patAct I corresponds to sections I and II (Vito's the definition panies the new title. tern of the novella. Act II corresponds to section III vow and meeting with Cristina); (dialogue Vito/Amalia, preceded here by a stormy meeting Amalia/CrisAct III corresponds to sections IV and V (dialogue Vito/Cristina tina); The setting of the novella is and the latter's return to the brothel). widened to make room for more people, the inhabitants of Pendino. The narrow alley dominated by the Crucifix now opens into a 'piazzetta' which 152 all house, shop, the strongest the'mala side, Casa' its closed green shutters. The vow is no longer a desperate, with but a collective is performance very much like almost an operatic indicate men; he kneels promise; all with tunities to Vito's for words; the chorus Marco, off he rises and stands alley then of the chorus his cap, 'piazzetta' until with of comment. of Vito's promise she is helped solemn Amalia listening by the arrival by the disgraceful so do the and makes his apart she has one line are provided Donna Rosa, who is outraged scene to her son in the takes direc- and meticulously and the response Vito neighbours. Detailed a murmur of wonder and approval. appeared from a side hension in Neapolitan groups. man the way individual scene for down, so does everybody; rise of a sick by his and synchronized. the movements of the soloists of men and women in separate gesture imposed on Vito accompany each line in Italian tions lonely choral and mass movements are co-ordinated just for which caters On the opposite Neapolitans. of all passion dyeBesides Vito's economy. desk and a 'Banco del Lota cobbler's local lottery an agency of the state to', It of the the symbols we see a barber's displays has appre- More oppormother, and makes a out by Don the barber. In a moment of relative quiet, Cristina comes out in It fountain the from fetch to square. a water casa' But fresh trouble soon starts for Vito to talk to her. who want to stop a game of rival of two police officers of the 'mala is a pretext with the arcards going Cristina They and, since prosnotice on outside titutes are not allowed to stay in public places, the two try to arVito interferes, a crowd gathers in no time, the confusion rest her. the barber's shop. fiIn Amalia. Rosa Donna the a gran and reappearance of grows with Amalia Rosa, Donna Cristina, Vito, the and a noisy officers, nale, The barber, Amalia's train of supporters make for the police station. and a few others rush to the 'Banco del Lotto' to try their luck on the numbers corresponding to the event: thirteen, the 'popolo piccolo'. the arrest; twenty-one, the dyer; thirty, In Act II the setting changes from the noisy square to Amalia's husband Annetiello, basso, a ground-floor room, modestly furnished, with a glass door on There is no crowd around and the main characters can come the alley. to the fore with their hot-blooded passions and their miseries. Amalia confronts Cristina with growing hostility and verbal aggressiveness The as she tries to buy her out of the planned marriage with Vito. 153 girl counters with dignity chance of rehabilitation. emerges in all he tries its to stand to stick to her only Vito's cowardly personality spineless, disheartening Being pressed squalor. The mounting tension Cristina of a storm. calls Vito to get away but the possessive Amalia The curtain falls ing and shuts the glass door. 'Vito' while to her wretched tight the rain lover is inside pelting not in the room is underlined man tries shouting by Amalia, up to her but then he backs down and promises to marry Cristina. by the outbreak and determination The from the alley. prevents him from mov- on the desperate girl down, and the woman holding the basso. Another character is briefly sketched out in the drab interior Amalia's tolerant husband. The of the basso: the cabman Annetiello, paltry fellow works at his leisure because his wife can always make up for lost earnings with her own money. Gambling and drinking are In a clash with the favourite pastimes of this low-class hedonist. Amalia that the money his wife, he takes a vicious pleasure in telling she lavishes friend. on Vito now goes into nice things for the dyer's new girl- the main characters are shown in turn trapped in the Debauchery, callousinescapable prison of their wretched condition. daily for they blemishes a which pay are permanent ness, cowardice In Act II They can only hurt each other badly, and misery. from life. An their for together they ephemeral relief stuck are yet 'festa di Piedigrotta', 'mala vita' comes with the traditional a yearly event which provokes a dionysiac frenzy of songs, dances, convivtoll of bitterness On the night of Piedigrotta in the open air. entertainments September) the 'canzone nuova', the best new song, receives its in is by the city. blessing everywhere sung everybody, and cial ial (7 offiDi Giacomo wrote a number of poetic texts for such songs, the most famdrives Tosti. by F. P. Piedigrotta A Marechiare being set perhaps ous the people of the bassi from their sordid alleys to the Northern part the down towards hill Posillipo the Naples, gently slopes of where of sea of Mergellina and a tunnel opens the way to the neighbouring town Piediin the Madonna There, tunnel, the Pozzuoli. of a near church of (i. e. at the foot of the tunnel) has been worshipped for centuries by the rich and the needy, the powerful and the humble. The real it 'festa', however, has little to do with the religious celebration; is mostly the noisy frolicking Vito, Amalia, that attracts the people. grotta 154 Annetiello, evening Donna Rosa and Don Marco, at Piedigrotta and have fun. Vito port, atmosphere ted pays for the food. Act of the Piedigrotta 'piazzetta' III the barber to spend the The cabman provides free transplan of Malavita has the typical in the background. night In the deser- of Pendino popular instruments sitting outside the sounds of mandolines, guitars On stage, can be heard in the distance. his and other Don Marco, plays the guitar and sings a serenade from the opera Salvator Rosa (1874) by A. C. Gomes. Neapolitan songs are quoted by joyful At the end of the Act, cracks of whip voices off stage. and jingles his of bells oddly-assorted dark shop, While party. Cristina alleys, the departure signal of Annetiello's the echo of one last moves away from the Crucifix, and knocks on the door of the 'mala casa'. Like the storm at the end of Act II, music more than are nothing the situation underline song dies picks and in the up a stone the Piedigrotta sound effects, songs and ingredients which colourful The violence on stage. carriage on Cristina, her being from the company of people who are no better than herself, is In his study on Di Giaconveyed in spite of the musical references. for the excesses in the use of local cocomo L. Russo blames Cognetti lour, that the play 'manca effettivamente d'ingenuitä and regrets e di shut off immediatezza, straint e sopratutto would certainly in Act particularly bours, tradesmen, children, life of everyday I. conditions liane" the moral ne popolari napoletane" debasement of 'piazzetta' tion its less recognition the choral, of Naples, of the bassi. world fortunate inferno artistic and the "Scene popolari sici- Di Giacomo's "Sce- of a big city For both part character of privacy village; an essential Verga himself of the Verga's inhabitants. play theatrical the lack of a small expose the and the people of the main roles. oritative testify in the alleys crammed living portray (Di Giacomo, p. 136). More readd to the dramatic effectiveness of the play, On the other hand, the ubiquitous, loud neighdi sobrietä' and the moral authors in the characteriza- gave Di Giacomo the first merits the of Malavita. auth- As soon as the play was published, the Neapolitan poet sent a copy to Verga. The novelist thanked him with a letter from Catania dated 10 December 1889 in which he praised the 'scene popolari' and expressed some reservations on Cognetti's melodramatic effects: C'e tanta intensitä di passione, 155 e cosi sincera rap- di vita vera nelle vostre scene popopresentazione lari, che a leggerle m'han dato quella schietta soddisfazione artistica che devono produrre alla recita... I1 Cognetti, d'effetto meno qualche melodrammaticitä in quelle scene che mi ý parsa un pol convenzionale cosi belle di semplice e schietta s'e giova4 eritä, to bene del vostro bell'argomento. Working on his own, Di Giacomo achieved higher artistic results with Assunta Spina, two acts written at a distance of a few years from technique of chaeach other and first performed in 1910. The veristic is used through the interaction environment/individuals racterization to its best advantage in the splendid Act I, perhaps the best thing in It portrays a few hours in the busy Di Giacomo's vernacular theatre. by a small crowd of solicitors, life at the law courts in Naples filled For each of them visitors, ushers and policemen. witnesses, relatives, Di Giacomo has a revealing line, an aside, a gesture which defines their personalities It and establishes their comparative positions. figures and a complex is a rich and variegated tableau with life-size of voices and gestures. counterpoint Fundamentally a narrator, Di Giacomo proved the Neapolitan sentimental or humorous songs, potential pictorial disposition, er models of his cal and aesthetic time. a middle-class the poet's own society. 2. his Di Giacomo's apart from its plays. veristic of poems, caustic, spicy His musical and approach to the prob- works from the great- regionalist an appeasing the destitute lyrical delicate unleashing of his more than and versatility and melancholy distance for into or else the gentle premises curiosity it dialogues of Naples, reality an illustrator the expressiveness by shaping vernacular in the realistic lematic not a dramatist, a poet, art has no deep ethi- existentialism and despicable and members of Mala Vita by Nicola Daspuro and Umberto Giordano The melodramatic character of Di Giacomo's "Scene popolari" and their lasting success made Malavita an ideal choice for a Neapolitan veristic opera. Giordano, while still a student at Naples Conserva- 156 tory, tion had submitted an opera, Marina, to the 1888 Sonzogno CompetiAfter the three top operas, which launched Cavalleria Rusticana. the selecting committee awarded an honourable mention to thirteen works It was never performed but Sonand Marina was the second of the group. zogno was impressed by Giordano's him a chance Daspuro (Lecce, music and wanted to give The journalist to write a full-length Nicola opera. 1853 1941) into by Malavita Naples, the to turn was asked publisher for the young composer soon after he had finished a libretto with the of L'Amico adaptation Fritz Erckmann and Chatrian, successfully 1892 but failed formance made its bition with to be well at the Vienna other veristic L'Amico valleria was natural first and only milieu, per- however, the On 27 September of the same year, International Theatre and Music Exhi- received. debut Rusticana, its Mala Vita of Rome on 21 February of Naples on its Away from comedy of of the "Scene good libretto. Argentina at the Teatro 1892. to the haut-gout a very at the San Carlo of 26 April opera continued it and produced presented From the light Mascagni. Daspuro turned napoletane" popolari for operas of Sonzogno's Fritz, Pagliacci, publishing etc. ), House (Ca- and was favourab- In December 1892 Mala Vita reached ly reviewed by Eduard Hanslick. (Krolloper, Berlin sung in German) and in June 1893 it was again performed in Vienna (Theater-an-der-Wien). Daspuro treated Di Giacomo's text the general layout, the characterization translation of the Neapolitan prose into with scrupulous respect for In the and the environment. Italian lyrical verse, the hard to preserve metaphors, idioms, structures of the He had from Act I to trim superfluous material vernacular. original The for the necessary compression and simplification of the action. interference of Vito's mother, the noisy episode of the police offilibrettist tried 'Banco del Lotto' were eliminated. These the to rush cers, intense the heightened atmosphere of popular superstition surcuts rounding the choral scene of the vow, and concentrated undivided atNo Arcadian platitudes tention on the duet Vito/Cristina. were used the final lines of the chorus (cf. the introductory to gloss over the veristic idyllic The scene of the vow resong of the peasants in Cavalleria). produced the exact situation of the play with the essential relation between Vito and his neighbours being stressed in simple, meaningful lines. Daspuro kept the minor character of Nunzia, an elderly woman with the typical job of 'pettinatrice' 157 ('capera', in Neapolitan), that is, hairdresser for the poor. She interacts an itinerant with the chorus in helping Vito out of the dye-house after he has had an haefor help. Amamoptysis, and in convincing him to turn to the Crucifix lia's comment on Vito's vow and the response of the chorus are arranged in the same way as in Di Giacomo's scene: Nunzia Coro Vito Coro Nunzia Vito Amalia (additando a Vito it Crocefisso) Ed a quel buon Gesü vi rivolgeste mai? Ah, si, Vito! - Pregatelo! - Egli a pietoso assai! No! non ne son degno! Egli vi ascolterä! Se gli farete un voto, certo 1'accoglierä. (si leva commossoe cade inginocchiato lo Le donne imitano; gli uomini si sberrettano tutti) ...................... Tu the vedi it martirio del mio cor, tu the sai the Speranza ho solo in te, non mi lasciare, abbi pieta di me!... Ed io voto ti fo' the una donna perduta sposerö, strappandola al peccato! Che mai dice? E' impazzito! Giordano, Mala Vita, I, 2 lines informs the public that marrying a 'donna custom of the Neapolitan lower classes. perduta' was a superstitious No preposterous lines were given to the cabman Annetiello who A footnote to Vito's The happened to have a similar job to the one of Mascagni's Alfio. dionysiac character of Amalia's husband, creadebauched, hedonistic, ted by Di Giacomo and Cognetti, was, if anything, emphasized in the The young composer gave him the baritone operatic transposition. 3 in Scene he his in Escamillo/Alfio the makes entry manner: role with a train of people and soon has a catchy song to impress the auBut, contrary to what happens lines are fully consistent with He first his psychological and dramatic identity. exchanges rude comwith about Then he himself being a cuckold Marco the barber. ments festival and provides a precise indication mentions the Piedigrotta dience with his extrovert with Alfio in Cavalleria, personality. Annetiello's of time for the sequence of events in the whole opera. in a few days, everyone in Naples, whether rich or poor, to Piedigrotta, As a which is what happens in Act III. opment of this point, the cabman's song is dedicated to tion of horses and carriages for the feast, 158 We learn that, will be going logical develthe prepara- and expresses the man's (Ex. 1): by the happy, be chorus fun soon echoed and wish to have Tutto e giä pronto, tutto fissato e giä: i legni ed i cavalli, belli, i finimenti le piume alte Annetiello da porre sui capelli... alle ragazze languide l'occhietto si farä! Io vol scordar - ogni dolor, abbandonar, mi voglio all'allegrezza io vol quaggiü - godere ognor; ridere e cantar! voglio ridere!... Giordano, Mala Vita, Ex. 1- I, Giordano, Mala Vita, I, 3 3 CoxiJ; v?aoila .> aP ANNETIELLO . 'Iiitto e ýý " ý0y" 4 gib. pron .. ý -449 ,"> 4L .ý '^R'A to, tut 'd - to fig 4L -op. e gii: satto . 4L .- .I ,_ . I his song, Annetiello and some men of the chorus make for the tavern (the only addition to the setting of the 'piazzetta') Scene seems and Scene 3 comes to an end. On the whole, Annetiello's Having finished 159 much better handled 3 for in Mascagni's Alfio cabman's by composer and librettist is coherently character At the end of Act more wine than in Amalia's Cavalleria. I, Annetiello he drops After developed the parallel the first through in with Vito and Cristina. some friends, Scene appearance, the next emerges from the tavern he needed and teases basso) than the two Acts. having drunk In Act II asks for (set wine and is In Act III, he is the plebeian chased out by his angry wife. about to set out for Piedigrotta with anoisy party of friends sound of joyful songs. reveller at the The characterization of Vito, Cristina and Amalia is left almost to three main duets: Vito/Cristina, I, 4; Amalia/Cristina, exclusively II9 3; Amalia/Vito, Santuzza's II, 4. None of them has memorable tunes such as loud threats in Cavalleria. phrases or Alfio's passionate But they are better proportioned to the general framework of the Acts and less agitated in the vocal tension and the orchestral support of Lyrical, the parts. expansive phrases can be found in all three of The first duet Vito/ them, sometimes with interesting reminiscences. was one of the most widely appreciated pieces in the opera. At a crucial point in the duet, when Vito suggests that he might redeem Cristina from her condition and love her, the tenor has a broad, descending motive ('Ed a qualcuno avete mai pensato/che vi voglia di- Cristina fendere e salvar') which looks back to Violetta's Traviata (Ex. 2A): 'Amami Alfredo' in Ex. 2A - Giordano, Mala Vita, IITO " yý 1 ýý b b --1, ý, b ý... z f bf- It is taken up by Cristina in her answer ('ah! ma chi pub aver pieta di me?) and joined to her own characteristic motive (Ex. 2B): 160 Ex. 2B - Giordano, Mala Vita, I, 4 CRIS. to; ma sh! pub a. chi pie . tä di ver._. me? allarrando q"_" 114 , " _. ""ý- $, bzr . " Eý. h Is f3 f Vý' " " bä " gj 6ý " between the Parisian demi-mondaine and the low-class The similarity did not escape the attention of E. Hanslick in Neapolitan prostitute have struck the imagihis review of Mala Vita, and it must certainly Giordano he the composed the duet. when young of nation The most sensational moment in this veristic opera occurs at the 'girl from Capua' gets end of the duet Vito/Amalia when the unfortunate is in for her. In heavy taste store a storm she calls the of what a man from the alley and Amalia slams the door of her basso on Cristina's The situation face to protect her lover. of the play is exactly transposed into the opera and the sheer emotional power of the music emphasizes the base selfishness of the adulteress in imposing her will on the spineless man and the wretched young woman. The on-stage music for the Piedigrotta background of Act III has For any Neapolitan of the qualities of authenticity and originality. that time the idea of Piedigrotta was instinctively connected with dozens of contemporary songs, like those collected by Di Giacomo in his illustrated volume Canzoni napoletane 161 (Napoli, 1891), or old ones _ like the legendary dating Te voglio bene assaje, from 1835 and attributed and more important the first Piedigrotta 5 Another obvious one of the most popular Neapo- to Gaetano Donizetti. association was with song the 'commedia per musica' La fesof the mid-XIX century, (later by Luigi Ricci, first ta di Piedigrotta simply Piedigrotta) perlitan formed operas at the Teatro Nuovo on 23 June 1852. the most famous piece tured a 'canzone Act III nova'. of the opera, 6 Its the celebrated third Act opened with and fea- tarantella, Giordano wrote of Mala Vita follows a similar pattern. piece having in mind Ricci's splendid dance. The infec- a beautiful tious euphoria, the easy flow of separate melodic ideas strung togeE minor/E major ther by the irresistible rhythm, the alternation throughout the piece are to a large extent reproduced in a purely inby the the chorus. model sung was also whereas strumental in E minor and E major, from Ex. 3 shows two sections, respectively (III, 1): the tarantella of Ricci's Piedigrotta tarantella Ex. 3- Ricci, III, Piedigrotta, 1 00 ,a _ Vir_ne fa cchii cci+ non Vie-ne fa echii cci, non P =PE ý 4 c r rT ýýT= 1 F i F: i =31 gi o m i i i Lý IP K F W . ilp- 162 ffý p 0 9 F: 1 :41 . - IIaI a =:: p j/ , Los F1 ý-l at-imým fv Da .--. --. ei -i1--; i ýO' 14 Im 1 ii ri chel l' 0_ ra tea lä L, i -F---.ei, . 61 Ex. 4A - Giordano, Mala Vita, 14 i_ Sfr 1 Ex. 4A reproduces the beginning (III, 1): iF1iF. b' V- L/---v --r- I festä nce ncon tiraiemo Carme ne --=-. ý fr-f w`ý -ýwj F. 1 A-m :? F. i, . r -0 v wýýgow Le i. iF, .- ýp a in E minor of the dance from Mala Vita III, 1 ("Tarantella") After an epischeme of Giordano's piece is more varied. sode in G and C, there follow the reprise in E minor, a new episode in E major with the melody in the bass (Ex. 4B) and a final state- The tonal 163 i ment of the refrain in the major key: III, Ex. 4B - Giordano, Mala Vita, 1 ("Tarantella") ýý 2) features the 'canzone scene of Mala Vita (III, Piedigrotta, sung by Annetiello and the chorus (Ex. 5): The following nuova' for Ex. 5- Au Giordano, Mala Vita, kwei '* , iiýF- ata OB i -- III, 2 IL au naut . to ca di. ceao.cua oi: . be I 164 man. veree'o . IIIII -ýý if-M An 11.1k, ý D4-4 ý . giA. --m e'o -. U .. -. me. glio ca lz H0 I Mat ce P ib ;;4--0, ý-A 1311.11 4) ý Li .. --I ý -I IL. 1 :,.. ý e were written by Di Giacomo as a personal contriAnnetiello to the libretto. once more expresses his pleasurenature and his gross materialism: The Neapolitan bution loving lines Annetiello Ce sta ce sta nu mutto ca dice accussi: c' 'o bevere e 'o mangiä e 'o meglio ca ce sta! Chi sa taverna a 1'ato munno si nce n'e, si ce vedimmo llä amice mieie, chi sa... chi sa! Ma si 1'uoglio pe mo dura a la lucerna, scurdammecille, amice 'e guaie nnanz' 'a taverna!... Giordano, Mala Vita, III, 2 There is a saying which goes like this: drinking and eating are the best things on earth! Who knows whether whether are taverns meet there there we'll my friends, in the next world, who knows... who knows! But if there in the lamp let's forget friends, at is oil for now, our troubles, the tavern!... The vernacular version of the old 'carpe diem' theme, the image of the oil for the lamp owe something to these lines from Piedigrotta 165 (III, 4) which precede the scene with the 'canzona nova': Magnammo,amice mieie, e po vevimmo Nz9 ch'arde lo lucigno a la cannela; Pocca st'ora de spasso the tenimmo Scappa, commepe mare fa la vela. Nce simmo mo, vedimmoncenne bene. Lo ppresente a no sciuscio, e non se vede; Lo passato a ppassato, e chiü no vvene; Ea lo dimane chi nce mette pede? L. Ricci, Piedigrotta, III, Let's eat, my friends, and then let's 4 drink as long as the wick burns on the candle; since this hour of fun we have will pass, like a sail over the sea. We are here now, let's enjoy ourselves. The present is a flash, and can't be seen; The past is gone, and will never come back; As to the morrow, who will tread therein? song is Annetiello's off stage by the chorus tens at the very Cristina while The repetition the Crucifix. eral heard again of the ends her soliloquy 'canzone nuova' sung in front of the gen- suggests involving the whole town on Piedigrotta night and heighto which the prostitute is the sense of exclusion and loneliness merriment On hearing doomed by her condition. rises and turns fami! Vili!... the song, away from the Christ, Ah! ' to the distant traditional atmosphere of the popular zone nuova' appropriately focuses a languorous serenade character. Act fingers). III which 'piazzetta' song, ('che th and the (Ex. Vito self-indulgent, opens at dusk with the tavern 'can- Vito is given sensual and a group 'mor- and playing and show them with their out of the group and sings some banal lines to an interesting The first melody. motive of the soon steps which Giordano sets phrase ('Canzon d'amor') motive out his the the creates reveller, 'In- towards and Annetiello's the plebeian outside deep contempt': 'tarantella' 'festa' out numbers simultaneously Vito Neapolitan the fiery brings of Mala Vita in the of men sitting ra' (they call Before casa'. from Capua' 'girl and then rushes singers 'mala the 'with shouts door of the tonic end of the opera, l'ala '0 sole d'or) the incipit seems to anticipate of a famous (1898). It is followed by a second mio the typical exhibiting augmented fourth which turns 6): 166 Neapolitan the phrase minor back to its six- F major Ex. 6- Giordano, Mala Vita, 1 III, Moderato (aluadai) YITO i Caazon mor TEN. ( PýrL1o) 1 Quattrol `et. tel 66 oinqutll 5A861 I aove ( 8et.te 1 LA aiaquel Moderato " . ý (.... I ". ýnf . pp ý JÜ. 0 a .ý. . 0 0 6-47- r II N Cho ýý ý qusttro! T_ ciaque! 167 d.ia. aii I II IIO. YeI ' no.ve! C" m II Ii die.ci! Rf E of the libretto An analysis the additions idiom with a discreet and the Piedigrotta song are authentic Influences from major can easily be expected, duets of Mala Vita inventiveness. A clear prose by Nicola Daspuro and into of musical the talent a The 'tarantella' flavour. action was no plagiarist to a dramatic folklore of Act III. of a young man and the three and a good melodic to the Cavalleria-prototype concession be- in the vernacular play composers on the style but Giordano testify in the relationship pieces inserted operatic both to be because the composer devised Neapolitan and skilfully written cleverly shows Mala Vita introduced and variations The opera sounds Neapolitan Giordano. musical and the original text tween the operatic and for Rusticana than Cavalleria more veristic definitely was of a short "Intermezzo" between the duet Amalia/Cristina aHt have does the Act II. Giordano's Amalia/Vito the not piece of ve and justiIt is dramatically Mascagni's Mme. blatant mellifluousness of fied because it provides time for Cristina to inform her fiance about the insertion her heated conversation with Amalia and, in turn, for Vito to go to his lover and argue his case only to fall into the snares of the unscrupulous woman. We are now left question: why should an opera based on a successful play, with good music in it, with no knives and in its be everywhere except almost accepted off stage, murders on or the the From that anon opera, was written all environment? natural be The to be: Mala Vita too true to circumstangood. was swer seems with a puzzling fiasco be for Neapolitan the the can reconstructed reasons and ces from the articles major newsand reviews which appeared in the city's Their I1 Mattino. theatre critics, di Corriere Napoli I1 and papers, Roberto Bracco and Rocco Pagliara, were both friends and colleagues local The Daspuro Giacomo. Nicola Di Salvatore was a man. young of Giordano was known in Naples for Conservatorio at the prestigious having done all his musical studies The subject of S. Pietro a Maiella. the new opera was being shown with success at the Teatro Rossini while Giordano rehearsed his work at the San Carlo. While Mascagni's Cavalleria ences and critics and trustfulness came out of the blue and took audiMala Vita was expected with interest by surprise, by the Neapolitan who were kept informed by the Corriere di Napoli about the progress of the opera. After interpreters the first the tremendous success of Cavalleria, of Santheatre-goers 168 tuzza and Turiddu, selves in the role of patrons of young composers writing veristic opeA long article in the Corriere di Napoli (17 February 1892), ras. by Roberto signed GemmaBellincioni Bracco with of the enthusiastic readers of Mala Vita. al dramma di Di Giacomo' For the San Carlo cace e commovente'. last Bellincioni for sticana Announcing libretto Marguerite and described to Mala Vita on 30 April. performance published and its if that the audience best chances to confirm ters, did in a beginner's artist it 'natural as the any judgement ture earlier: sympathetic young author. the Neapolitans and suggested giusto' effi- Just before and Cavalleria comments in enthusiastic of Traviata Ru- on 20 April, Violetta to Eleonora compared Bellincioni's Gautier and concluded: 'Gemma Bellincioni sulla sce- and I1 Matting indicated as the new opera was to be the tale Eleonora Duse drammatica quale su quella donna'. On 26 April Il perche a intensamente eccezionale luck it sobrio, na lirica Napoli the of the and 'scenicamente always prompting a repeat informed them- di Napoli the Corriere Duse's nights, had cast the Rome premiere and Stagno sang in Traviata several the press. 'baby', for of the season which closed production Mala Vita, examined the also Stagno, participation in the rehearsals Bracco 'fedele being the pseudonym of and affectionate Stagno/Bellincioni couple and Roberto not expect Bracco, to find it support. opera e affettuosamente the qualities of a ma- seemed to have the had received enthusiastic wishing good in I1 Corriere, of Giordano's public' So Mala Vita work. the success friendly Roberto would be 'sereno had the most suitable, good publicity, announcements -b artista Corriere di in Rome two months and popular But the opera falied. interpreAnd di Napoli warmly recommended the facts that I1 Corriere ,. 4t 1v s4ohld ti that Mala Vita the opera season at the San Carlo second hearing, ^a (28 and 30 April came to an end with two more performances of Traviata despite 1892). On 27 April Il Matting and 11 Corriere di Napoli devoted long opera. For the Neapolitans Mala Vita reviews to the unsuccessful was outrageous; an insult to their house, the Real Teatro San Carlo. the Pendino little square with its city and their glorious opera The unsweetened, crude display of brothel, the dingy bassi and the stinking dye-house were something of a shock. Such a sad and disturignored or at least confined to a bing reality would be willingly At a time when the 'svenvernacular play for a second-rate theatre. 169 tramento' works in the were in progress and that under the pickaxe, Carlo city. deeply that amid 'the womanhood' which del reality al rovescio, his regret of the patrons for illustrious San it as typical of their having witnessed Bellincioni garbage of the alleys' and 'the seemed to have been transferred, dal mefitico 3) note seemed to be disappearing an opera displayed R. Bracco expressed sventramento fiche shameful (see above, of Naples the middle-class resented and Stagno sing sinful low districts basso Napoli alle prisons 'per of uno scene magni- San Carlo'. But the fiasco of Mala Vita was not just the reaction of a conaudience to a distasteful subject for an opera house. What us is the assessment of the musical qualities of Giordano's servative interests opera. Since the librettist stripped away all the humorous and picturesque ingredients which cushioned the impact of the psychological violence of the story, the composer could bring out the full dramatic potential of the situations. the Piedigrotta song at its picturesque The vow at the beginning of the opera, very end lost most of their decorative or value and appeared for what they were: a sign of popular and a musical metaphor of the cheap hedonism of the uneducated masses. The musical idiom with a Neapolitan connotation The unheroic, unromantic treatment sounded too familiar and prosaic. superstition of those wretched figures from the Pendino bassi made them unattractive and irritating. In short, Giordano's scrupulous faithfulness did not pay. Those are the points on which R. Bracco based to reality his criticism of the music of Mala Vita: [Giordano] e stato scrupulosamente fedele al fatto, all'ambiente e non ha nobilizzato ne 1'uno ne 1'altro... Il colore locale c% ma 1'orecchio 6 troppo da ritmi, da modulazioni, da onduspesso investito lazioni melodiche, da frasi, cui Pabitudine nega Ma quando gli onori della teatralitä artistica... del colore locale il musicista non si e preoccupaidea fissa ha pregiudicata to, un'altra la conceziEgli temeva di f alsare il carattere one musicale. de' personaggi, egli temeva altresi di guastare nel lusso dell'arte la semplicitä popolare dei sentimenti e delle idee... Il maestro non ha voluto concepire la musica indipendentemente dalla popolaritä del dramma: -e il dramma, che ha perduto 1'importanza sostanziale del verismo, ha trovato nella musica, insieme col calore della passione, la volgaritä e la pochezza plebee. 170 The journalist impossibility did for a tranche not sublimate ground those level miserable, acted text outrageous were not to be found in Mala Vita. the purely musical due to Giordano's more artificial shortcomings medium, than the play itself, Rocco Pagliara the opera resulted and it over the aesthe- such as Verga's Rusticana, glass and psychological which disfigured embellishments of a much less as a magnifying The dramatic ragged characters. the musical quality de vie seemed to bring in a verdict of The verismo of Mala Vita opera. into art; it kept reality at its and the melodramatization distortions, tic and, playwright a truly veristic Cavalleria Paradoxically, despite own limits, and the in a more veristic work was rejected. in I1 Mattino the opera because also criticized the subject was too daring and unsuitable for the San Carlo. He praised the duets, the singers, the conductor, the orchestra, but he blamed the realistic mise-en-scene for increasing the 'antipathy' of the story: La messa in scena, invece, ed i costumi hanno aggradel libretto, forse appunto con quelvato l'antipatia lo the si a creduto fare con maggiore calore e con piü evidenza di carattere. It must be noted that the Romancritics had made the same point about the unsuitability of such a veristic opera for their Teatro Argentina. In a more modest venue, they argued, those popular customs and feelings so uncompromisingly portrayed by Giordano would be less hurtful and vulgar. Far away from Naples Eduard Hanslick and the susceptibility was in a better position of the Neapolitans, to assess the merits of the All the more so as he had the unique chance to hear Mala Vita Pagliacci together with Cavalleria, and two minor operas (F. Cilea's Tilda and L. Mugnone's I1 birichino), produced by the same Italian opera. opera company with excellence. GemmaBellincioni He gave therefore as the veristic a comparative prima donna par view when he wrote: In its merciless truthfulness to life Mala Vita is both gripping and revolting at the same time, like most of these realistic The music of Maepieces. stro Giordano makes its effects through the roughhewn ability to achieve a tone appropriate to the situation, and now and again by means of a gentler passage, as for example in Cristina's first entry. 171 His sense of drama is stronger than his musical his temperament stronger tal5nt, than his artistry. Hanslick review of GemmaBellincioni tion sensitivity, as Cristina: more overpowering anything Bellincioni her, portrays would be hard to say in 'It displays more intelligence, more to never having I admit truth. Giordano If more perfect. interpreta- the extraordinary praising scenes Bellincioni of these which ter his concluded saw and heard Cristina then he is a true the way musician poet, seen and pain- in one person'. later, after the-triumph 26 March 1896), Giordano tried to revive more acceptable to the public. A few years and tone down its shape the libretto his work and make it youthful Daspuro helped Nicola (La Scala, of Andrea Chenier the composer re- The revised verismo. sung by Enrico Caruso and Rosina was presented as 11 Voto, edition Storchio, Neither of Milan on 10 November 1897. at the Teatro Lirico della the Corriere a vero, ora, urta The new version ma nello was simply the green hills the tina, surrounding 'donna perduta', some kind man with became rather self lost in Act II III surgery opera. cal Amalia/Cristina its credibility. was eliminated it completely would only features. and the Piedigrotta song of try Andrea Chenier, verismo and destroyed to Di Giacomo for play. the of Mala Vita it he severed by effacing his opera worth Many years "bozzetto 172 verismo of the in musiits his when the composer scored the only to the prose the pungent 'upgrade' to of cos- operation improvement In conclusion, literary again character, disfigured a possible with turned The most outrageous was meant to be an opportunistic but faithfulness a wo- confrontation and the heated success its and Cris- was scrapped as a 'donna tradita', was camouflaged greatest for The brothel Naples. areas near to Marco the barber. Giordano most original residential feeble Far from conceiving terms, was moved from the Pen- So the vow it- of The revision metic The setting absurd. o commuove'. in her past. part was given pits interessa of unhappy experience the debauched Annetiello, Act tempo nulla stesso to one of the new and healthier district dino Alfredo Colombani were much impressed. Sera (11-12 November 1897) wrote: 'Nulla pits nor the critics the audience for unmitigated lirico" connection with the veristic later, label Giordano Mese Mariano (Palermo, ent kind children, Teatro Massimo, of veristic story. and was set house of Naples 17 March 1910), built in the huge 'Real under the first dano composed some tenuous, Di Giacomo's slim to the youthful sational, 3. The pathetic but Albergo It featured dei Bourbon king, was not, nuns and Poveri', Charles the unadorned therefore, verismo of Mala Vita but rather differ- was a totally sketch subdued music for libretto. it a belated the poorGior- III. verses of return a disavowal of its sen- emphatic connotations. Musical postcards from Naples: A Santa Lucia and A Basso Porto "Scene popolari napoletane" A Santa Lucia sources of two veristic operas and A Basso Porto are the literary Mala Vita, together make up a small group of uniformly with which, Neapolitan works composed between 1892 and 1894. The librettist of (1848-1918) A Santa Lucia was the Neapolitan poet Enrico Golisciani Goffredo Cognetti's (1885) for Ponchielli to Marion Delorme had conand was written who Carlo Zangarini, the in most outrageous pseuwith collaboration coct, (1911) in I della Madonna libretto Naples, do-veristic set gioielli for The librettist Ermanno Wolf Ferrari. journalist and theatre critic of A Basso Porto was the Eugenio Checchi (Livorno, 1838 - Rome, 1932), a staunch supporter of operatic verismo since the Rome premiere As for first Rusticana. the the the Cavalleria music, of composer of (1864-1934), Pierantonio Tasca Sicilian the an obscure and opera was beginner talented who was to set Verga's Lupa many not particularly On later. the contrary, the composer of A Basso Porto, Nicola years (Turin, 1865 1909), Rome, just his Spinelli as as colleague, young (Teatro Costanzi, had already achieved a moderate success with Labilia Rome, 9 May 1890), the second prize (after Mascagni's Cavalleria) of the 1888 Sonzogno Competition. A commonfeature of the two operas is the fact that their and ended in Germany where they were first ephe- meral success started performed. A Santa Lucia was premiered at the Krolloper of Berlin on 16 September 1892, sung by Bellincioni and Stagno, and it was revived 173 there in 1905. In less than two years the opera was heard in Trieste (17 March 1893), Prague (in German, 26 March 1893), Hamburg (in German, 29 May 1893), 1894), (4 October Vienna and in several was premiered although it including cities in Naples due to its and camorra (the rituals (in Manchester 1 October English, A Basso Porto Naples. of Cologne on 18 April in German at the Stadttheater (Teatro Costanzi, Rome reached never performed camorrists Italian 1893), 4 March 1895), libretto featuring Neapolitan fiasco 1894; the opera was mischievous had of Mala Vita not been forgotten). later, About a hundred years postcards Italien' stories the foreign for consumer products but longed for from a much maligned epitomized operas can be seen only as markets (mainly German), illustrated these in open-air about hot-blooded, (e. g. E. Hanslick), imports of these latest tics songs and dances, having to account Italy, took for vour surrounding ling of the North mythologies were seriously overstate their distilled impressed by their intrinsic value. impact nach Some cri- people. the artistic the view that them was due to an indigestion 'Sehnsucht the and in sensational down-to-earth extrovert, from city, flimsiness the popular fa- of the hazy and chil- in mastodontic on the public The reporter Others operas. and tended of The Musical to Times (1 November 1893) wrote about the premiere of A Santa Lucia in Vienna: Signor Tasca's A Santa Lucia, a striking and uncompromising specimen of the verismo of young Italy, was given on the 4th ult. at the Vienna Court Opera, and, thanks mainly to the superb performance of Siand Signor Stagno, the success was gnora Bellincioni one. a very brilliant A Santa Lucia was just a specimen of the numerous offspring geneThe low quality rated by Cavalleria Rusticana at an inflationary rate. source was one of the basic weaknesses of the two-act of, the literary opera; the other was Tasca's limited resourcefulness as a composer. Mascagni's Cavalleria Luigi Ricci's Piedigrotta, and popular Neapolitan songs were the main musical references to which Tasca had little to add. The result ing the fashionable was a piece of folkloric verismo cunningly exploit- of Naples, a colourful wrapping containing little dramatic substance. The setting of the opera was the 'strada di Santa Lucia a Napoli' and featured a tavern, the stall of an oyster-seller, the sea and Vesuvius in the background, and the rising stereotypes moon in the blue sky. This attractive 174 location was filled with 'mor- S. ' ra' fishermen, players, and the typical Neapolitan in themselves ta Lucia icated were true would hardly by Matilde sellers to "Il to Il water, life, but the glossy the grim, with operatic of San- picture description unpoetical She concluded pittoresco". The ingredients in a section di Napoli, ventre and snails, shellfish dancers. crowd of tarantella tally Serao in of mineral given ded- significantly the paragraph with a disheart- 'Forse it colecomment on the assumedly blue sea of Santa Lucia: Ma the mare strage: vi a it mare e vi a it sole. ra non vi avrä fatto Ma quale putrefazione non illumina quel sole! '8 nero, untuoso! ening The opening scene of A Santa Lucia is largely dependent on Piedidetails and for its overall and folkloric grotta for the realistic (Ex. 7): structure Allegro m Concettina. n 1 I, Tasca, A Santa Lucia, Ex. 7- ) () con brio. 1144. dal Ao-qua zur -fog . His-*or von Tor - re/ Totonno. 4i H 0 0-. Aue - do ca- Stiel rooa Cat - tel - stre - the tern taut Duel Giocatori. Z '! Spider. sei! S. o.. v! quattro! Ire/ 'Trat tre! Dre!! i-ý ý Cinque! Preit Ton. n p 0 x Bevitori. äýý Triakar. " Bassf.lý l'0 lo! lo! - stye Fri - . cA. per met und sý swell eil FiiA-fer I ý ý H Obe I OAs/ 9opr. s Contr. Ltl wwwý La Folla. Die Ueage. 0 ý x n Ton. 1 ý1 nrt ý MW ý "-"ý- 1i- 'lüct n "" *p : 1'a la la f+º la la la la la la la la .-I 'In 11 -- 1 am ilip, 10 1-4 ý4-u fa da pin on -licA YoLtl Mir An1 Ba -GfiieJr 0 Ba. p1 I"-I-II Lvm Bassi. la la La la 1. --ý bn ra -'-folk! - licA n 17ê la !,ýE-9, ml ý0 ý, jIji 1. 1 LLi -4. J - býkj Iý 175 Ifo ee ý RE 0 ie er do -'geht- 6 -- Irý F [-1-1 TT ýý do -geAt 0.- 1-II 1-ý ln la la "la 11 gio - 'con da ea bei? - eer, wo fln 1) tIIL ta 'ý 'a lk ra ra 1 FE m ' d'a gio - coä es 608 - ser, wo t--I da pia KýP Aal E1 b*3 M. °-nri--ý I) 21 D :777DE-1 I. I P.: ec :e Ex. 7- (cont. ) Ad-qua for - ra - tai 0irrt ras - gen! ä Tot. rol term1 ca Arm ---- Pör. tä aia - gna Bria-ge W_ -i an TT T "i If =:: If Por-ta Brim-ge ý-T mai. _ ! u,9 ei - 1Ber puö zu tro alt - - nolPortäae in N, im-mer bring' 0JL1 = If IA Gra Chi - gna nn " - no! Pottane an ti, imp-nur Aring' vär? Aier? 8 It concentrates, in one long and lively sequence, street cries in ver- drinof 'morra' section nacular, a choral section of players, a choral kers (the Gragnano wine is the same one ordered by the Piedigrotta re- 176 The German translation vellers; enjoying slogan pel la la' 'la the of place), Chianti' sounds terribly dancers, of the tarantella out and the crowd the show and commenting with the stale tourist-brochure (faithfully 'veder Napoli e morir' translated as 'Seh'n and dann sterben'). della 'Bringe in the heart Caritä, (now via Act I of Ricci's of Naples, Roma), and opened with opera was set on the old the cries 'strada in Nea- 'Piazza Toledo' ('E' of the coffee-sellers brandy ('Acquavitaro') a sto cafe') and the men selling ('Sammuchella forte e doce'). and anisette bollente In A Santa Lucia, set but the effect is the the merchandise is different on the sea-front, has been mentioned of Act III of Piedigrotta same. The tarantella Tasca used the in connection with a similar number in Mala Vita. The thin (soprano) is of A Santa Lucia (mezzo-soprano), plot and Maria (tenor). Rosella Ciccillo the opening scene of his opera. throughout dance as an ostinato about two women, Rosella in love with the fisherman to prove commits suicide her faithful- convinness to the man who loves her after a slander by her rival his father. The is to tenor's that him marry about she song ces the 'Amore a morto, e la rosella muore' (Act I, Sc. 2) anticipates and is first catastrophe in the doline, "Prelude" played by guitars Rosella in his for songs, poseful hiding arms. dramatic bearing while The whole story action. In Act breaks carries I, for example, be detected "Scene popolari" the dying of pretexts Rosella provocation, and she strikes end, than a pur- and perorations, hand can easily in mind Act I of the Ciccillo by a man- at the very returns On a slight out, the curtain is more a chain invectives in her breast. Cognetti's the knife. it of the opera; brawls, between her and Maria behind played and mandolines, street a knife heard, is shown a quarrel her rival with in what follows, Malavita: a crowd and the two women are taken followed by an uproarious to the nearest police station, cortege The music is banal and repetitive, of assorted folk. and even soon gathers, Ciccillo's politan police melancholy tune (Ex. 8): officers arrive song sounds just 177 like any barrel organ Nea- Tasca, A Santa Lucia, Ex. 8- Cantabile. C1CC1Ü0. (: ( I, 2 so. ) dally RpiaRda) nPndo (roýN(T rr kommend Die (portando In voce) more morto, ea Lieb' ist todt, nua ro - sei -la irel- ket auchdie muore! -Bo-se! ii Per AV" e nY 0 0, F9 den, can be seen in some structural similarities: the insertion song, an "Intermezzo", an off-stage of of Cavalleria with a "Prelude" Latin litanies and organ music which a joyful puoi-'-imet.-. 0 The influence praises F-ý ppýý re, hel - la, phi tro - dar non Sve - lp Frie- den rcird dich, Schöirste, 11 also 0 11 Lj is I a brisk his job little song for of oyster-seller attract the baritone and quotes people to a church. (Ciccillo's father) his own cry, There who surrounded by crowd. wrote a long review of A Santa Lucia when it was favourable in Vienna, a mildly opinion of the and expressed premiered limited Tasca's inventiveHe out pointed melodic a'whole. as opera dedicated lack and over a third of the article originality, of ness and Eduard Hanslick Her acting The 'realistic skills were described in truth' of her gestures, more detail than her singing. facial expressions, postures, gait, were all praised in connection with 'In a dramatic creation of they represented. the particular situation this magnitude - wrote Hanslick - the beauty of the purely musical to GemmaBellincioni's Rosella. The conclusion was that sound almost ceases to be of importance'. Bellincioni's interpretation of Rosella surpassed her earlier ones of Santuzza and Cristina in so far as 'Rosella is more broadly characterized by composer and librettist, thus offers the actress greater tive and placed in more varied situations 9 That was meant to be a posiscope'. But Rosella has comment on the main character of A Santa Lucia. 178 no long and revealing showpiece like Santuzza's romanza 'Voi pete, o mamma', and her ariosi are short and contain modest, Considering able melodies. the dull also recitatives lo saunremark- chordal with ac- bridge the ensemble pieces of the opera, we have to the impressive conclude that it was really stage presence and the uthat created the character nique acting of GemmaBellincioni and made It must have been like watching a good up for its musical deficiency. companiment which film show with Spinelli's and it A Basso Porto but also of the subject and the dramatic page of the vocal for not just for the quality effectiveness after the ambitious of the two operas the daring of the music, originality the more mature On the title- of some situations. "Scene popolari score, we find Cognetti", is much the better to Mala Vita comes close style sound track. a mediocre definition napoletane di Goffredo "Dramma lirico in 3 atti", After whereas both Mala Vita and"A Santa Lucia have "melodramma". the Pendino with the bassi and the prostitutes, in another district for the first the 'bowels of Naples' is displayed time on the operatic and not in stage, Italy and the gangs of camorrists of Il eyesore, indispensable di-Napoli., ventre having in Germany: the Porto tavern In 1904, when Matilde and the disputes. part but the Porto for district unedifying the card Serao completed the urban renewal survived its with games the second was still much of an of the 1890s. Checking as she remembered it from her youth, the writer could still Porto, di di Basso 'le ricetti di povertä inaudite, case see ricetti di tutte le cose e le persone infadelitti ricetti e di delittuosi, 10 By 'crimes dolenti'. Serao meant the activities and criminals' mi e of the camorra which prospered mostly in the popular districts of the the place Long before city. of poverty scenario Marc Monnier writer Switzerland France, tion secret all carefully and crime (born society for Neapolitan author, had been described in Florence, and Italy) hierarchy, rituals, lar her or any other in his activities, organized that squalid by the cosmopolitan he lived study notorious extortion', analyzed on the basis of police and worked in Germany, La Camorra (1863). Initiafigures of that as he defined records it, 'popuwere and other docu- ments. The plot situations of A Basso Porto almost bring to life and people from Monnier's book. Checchi and Spinelli porand characters 179 tray the camorrists folkloric to gratuitous many concessions without ingredients. There is no tarantella, for example, and the tenor's its song with fication quite for being after a A member of the gang is Maria lover and now his sworn enemy word to unmask the spy. Ciccillo's at one time which caused the death of Ciccillo's tip-offs because of reciprocal is Ciccilwho seems to hide in the gang itself. to impose his own authority over the camorrists, by an informer (baritone) is quick and pledges his (mezzo-soprano), justi- The story boss has been imprisoned A camorra straightforward. has a dramatic character at the end of the opera. repeated tip-off lo Neapolitan unmistakable Maria's imprisonment husband. Maria has a the of and next girlfriend in love with Ciccillo, Sesella (soprano) daughter, and a son, Luigino (tenor), time spends his plans cillo fresh his being who Pascale. Sesella Cic- into a The news of a second arrest among the camorrists. to confirm Sesella Maria has her own suspicions to accuse Luigino tries to run away with keeper, by turning a gambler. Ciccillo the spy. he arranges time on Maria in the face Ciccillo member of the camorra, the tavern with revenge into a junior anger and apprehension to stare only his and Luigino prostitute spreads cards playing to take is, that a 'picciotto', about and at the same But Maria at midnight. daughter the her his to of man's wickedness and real convince manages Sesella now wants to expose Ciccillo's treachintentions about her. A the tribunal camorra camorrists. all summons ery and Pascale in his tavern and he presides over the trial. gino himself asked to clear is in to defend of the charge her son and endorses The camorrist is found Sesella's guilty is set up by At first, Lui- Maria of treason. allegations and sentenced to death. and is handed a gun by Pascale. chance for to be promoted 'picciotto' of the spy. out the execution camorrists his will lie fronts Ciccillo into and stabs The camorrists will in ambush not far song "Mare d'argento" have her son turned It will signal a murderer. as camorrist take place from Luigino. the attack. Just before Cic- against cillo. killer the is as chosen no the steps if LuigiIt is a he carries at midnight and the The last note of But Maria midnight, will not she con- him to death. They are or glorified. shown as quick-tempered and sectarian, inexorable and efficient as Marc Monnier described them in his documentary study. The two women are not romanticized 180 infatuation for the than the men. Sesella's are no more likeable bossy schemer, Maria's and concern for her daughter sense of guilt are rendered ed character with the same sombre and unsympathetic He is just of Ciccillo. an arrogant tint petty as the doomcriminal. in his musical and dramatic pre(Act 2) is I, Sc. he the At beginning the given opera of sentation. (Ex. 9): defiant motive a self-assertive, Checchi and Spinelli Ex. 9- Spinelli, ,, took great A Basso Porto, care I, 2 Andante mo5so. Energico. Cy 1 4rIlm le $ ýý sloncio an poco slvnl. IL y :: a. poco ru!!. 4118 Hart Pas-ca - la pa-9ca Si .! t, Ei-nen Ba-eher bringt Grag-na- no. di DicchieGra. c s,r-so. ma re q 1 he bullies the people or states whenever camorrist accompanies which (Act Halfway II, through the the to opera action. something relevant has accused Luigino of being the spy, he Sc. 3), soon after Ciccillo brings his Maria, out dramatic rancour against which monologue sings a his 'mala fear the and vita' of the prison. his dissatisfaction with he is like that Ialines the could, as nothing as well set is The the in lines: the in Otello. "Credo" of core monologue go's Spinelli Ah! ch'io non era nato a questa viltä! Sempre la mano pronta al coltello e al sangue; tradir la compagnia per salvar me the son di lor,... the son di for la spia!... E aver negli occhi orribile visione... la pesante catena e la prigione! Spinelli, A Basso Porto, II ,3 181 Maria its melodic has her characteristic also outline and orchestral of the opera to the very voices Maria's pete qual invocation: frequent la croce sia Ex. 10 - Spinelli, Mail-is Yy. . -" end, just della From the outset accompaniment. before 'Ah! mia vital' in very Mascagnian she kills it Ciccillo, Madonna santa, (Ex. 10): lo sa- voi A Basso Porto a f? Ilui -Aýil.........:. ' i motive, ý-- li - Bo Ma. don -Na a-sa Sax ->> 'ý mich , sa , oloissiuro 1ý _ -- op F mar. du gYal oý Ur Yot " lo nu, la) ---= Ong tlab'o, - 10 - pe . . -' woiset main Kroux, la cro -. ria .I ce cresc. O g-- ---cresc.. . The veristic characterization of the camorrists and the uninhibited use of their jargon and swearwords disrupt the linguistic libretto the usually pitched in the high-flown regisof uniformity ter of pre-veristic opera. A few examples can illustrate the kind of operatic language used by Checchi in conjunction with veristic A typical case is the frequency of the adjective expressions. 'rio/ reo' for wicked or guilty which recurs mostly in Maria's lines: Maria: Pascale: Ciccillo: 'rio cimento'; 'Son real; io solo la dissi comreal; Ti rei misfatti 'ria sventura'. plice'; 'reo misf atto'; 'Del traditore che e reo convinto'. 'La rea masnada dei camorristi'. 182 . Ciccillo recalls in Act I, 5 with Maria's betrayal, his imprisonment and her marriage lines: these .. Mentr'io E tu?... tra fiori languivo nella prigione! proterva, correvi all ara, e incensi, veli e corone! 4 he gives Sesella a distorted version of the same facts in order to convince the girl to elope with him. The language is the Instead of quinari doppi, we find quatrains same, the verse differs. In Act II, of senari: In carcer fui posto: la donna obliosa i giuri d'un altro infida ascoltb! Tornai, la rividi: proterva ed abbietta di baci negati mi chiese 1'ardor. In sharp contrast ters often is just use colloquial as typical lyrical their with and slang as 'rio/reo' expressions. in its the same charac- verses, The adjective frequency: Maria: Della vostra onorata compagnia e il malo sbirro, e la venduta spia! Va! di mala femmina vivrai la vita infame! Luigino: figlio Ciccillo: Luigino: La mala vita Sesella: 'malo' di mala fem... fuggir dobbiamo Infame sorte! dee morir di mala morte chi le carte in man mi dä! compagnia' is obviously referred to Sesella the camorra gang. Before accusing Ciccillo of betrayal, ('Io 'onorata the the herself of compagnia' protection under puts libThe the la colloquial style of protezione'). vostra sono sotto Sesella's expression 'onorata retto is very similar to ordinary prose, Sesella/Luigino: gues Maria/Sesella, Sesella particularly Ouf, the caldo! Piü non reggo all'oppressura! 183 in the dialo- figlia, Maria E tu, Maria Sesella Maria Dove vai? Mammä, siete Son io! un po' di lavorare! smetti voi? Sesella and Maria try to stop Luigino cards and losing money with Pascale) who is playing Sesella Luigino Luigino! Ma non senti? C'e la mamma! Eh, non seccarmi! Disdetta! Neppur una mi riesce. Pascale Maria Luigino Ehi, compar! son died lire E perdi ancora! Pagherö! vanne in malora! the mi devi. There are even two proverbs in Act I. The first is provocatively (I, during 1): by Pascale the Luigino card quoted game with [e meglio] is directed to Maria (I, a bene... Fidarsi Non fidarsi... the second, quoted by Ciccillo, A far bene nel mondo si deve essere ucciso. lines lick The shift from the lyrical coincides with called opera consists shows it Sesella strophic like, I, Ex. 11 - Spinelli, 'musical apart declamation for in an orchestral in Act songs, of large-scale syllabic melodies of to the veristic in Cavalleria), parts mostly and the chorus, devised the sections similar the opera contains verses repeat and prosaic (as Hansconversation' but this is not to say that from Luigino's serenade. with all and ariosi with expansive, towards wellEx. 11 love motive. the end of the duet Cicillo/ 3: A Basso Porto, I, 3 ý n \YA. Io/to t'oC! ^-ý Cie. týmp4 ooA ejfctto. Sesrl-1R, nimmec ýA ' . nia. rc - 000,0, -XI _ý 1ý1ýpolcipatisd " " , Nif " ___ Ký. - 184 _ The the principals concertati Sesella's example, 2): Nean'michnicht Mhl A'nm dir_ /n in . era .. los,- dich to non ...... Cie. Lie kei. ne nengleicht mei " "--non Im -0"t! nnö ca . - be ýso ý ý- ý"6 /fý .ýý -, -iý __ ; --I _j HL-Lir _____ Ilit IE 11 f 4E a 4-IT--III ?-ý. a p p ý- r IF r 19 irr. lieb icbl dir. lo ý" Cie. 190 Men... sta " sera al. la c"an-ti na, PPP 9 i-@, I, net, lame wenn e.4 dunkelt, t - " ne. i?. fr f- o cýss. P er zur a- ver di irmi rer - ra it was originally written for a German audience, the (see ones) may clever use of such motives also Maria's and Ciccillo's have suggested a Wagnerian approach which added to its attractiveness. The linguistic to unevenness is only due to Checchi's inability Considering that give up the stilted versification uniformly low register throughout of pre-veristic the libretto. opera and adopt a In this respect, the libretti Santa Lucia do have a uniformly veristic of Mala Vita and .A including quotations in vernacular (street cries and songs), register, with none of the shifts noticeable in A Basso Porto. Among the veristic operas presented by Sonzogno at the 1892 Vienna Exhibition, Hanslick rated Pagliacci and Mala Vita as the best in the group, apart from Cavalleria. A Santa Lucia and A Basso Porto remain on the level of postcard operas although an allowance should be made for the better musico-dramatic quality of Spinelli's opera. 185 CONCLUSION The operatic ary verismo stylistic from theatrical is from texts premises of verismo innovatory cal In the operatic the veristic prose theatre transpositions, the established libretto, resulted was fairly in late evolving the social was largely milieu ly operatic its of of conventional- structures of the veristic teenth-century of low-life of the Italian the as minor - conveniently called of opera, clattering Mascagni's Cavalleria tomize, in different rismo. Leoncavallo's opera based on the ninecaused the destabilized operat- settled, Rusticana by Cavalleria behind system in the general was evolu- and pathetic he- and Giordano's Mala Vita epi- transposition of literary its truculent shelf. Rusticana ways, the musical Pagliacci 'tranche of late When the dust lagging along with library roes to some dusty into genre started left was - The actual because of the sensation stories came changes af- style. to the evolution 'melodramma'. romantic theatre far-reaching and vocal theatre opera was overstated by the introduction by the musical subjects opera was undergoing musico-dramatic contribution tion the characterization opera; marred by the survival of veristic at a time when Italian ic verismo struc- choruses. The adoption fecting the dialogical to the new dynamic duet-form thanks nineteenth-century had register of the versified conventions in poor hybrids; preserved well milieu. and social idiomatic the veristic in a the dialogi- of the language, between individuals to come to terms with ture a compromise between the aes- way: the quality which often works, narrative of the stage. interaction the structure, The adaptations and the requirements characterized to the alterations of earlier versions which were already Three elements positively by substantial liter- Italian to components of the texts. and structural thetic only was made possible were arranged that of works belonging transposition represents de vie'. the archetype Imitation ve- of veristic of these models in into stereotypes, the 1890s meant degeneration of wornexploitation (violence, and a patronout cliches sensationalism, picturesqueness) izing, conservative attitude towards In its the 'low' subject matter. heyday, operatic verismo was either overrated or abused. German audiences welcomed it as a relief from their heavy Wagnerian 186 diet; French definition critics anticipated or endorsed Debussy's contemptuous du neant'; in Italy, heated disputes of it as 'l'usine on its raged well merits al assessment into half have remained should the compositional the first within which was developed style of our century. Its the main problem of defining critic- by the post-Risorgimento to as the Young Italian composers collectively School. But referred in the event, due to the indiscriminate (and often derogatory) use of the term 'verismo' almost as a synonym for late nineteenth-century Italian opera, on the musical the minor theatre In Italian question of the influence became a hindrance terminology, musicological musicale' is today accepted aesthetic category which was largely ency in the musical alone created theatre and currently to a solution used to define verismo of the problem. the expression 'verismo an autonomous the outcome of a realistic and was not exclusively by, the adoption of literary of veristic subjects connected tendto, let from contemporary literature. However, generalizations and inaccurate evaluations still persist, although many musicological studies have introduced the notion between the artistic of a fundamental distinction peculiarities of literary verismo and the merits or shortcomings of late nineteenthfor example, discussing the century Italian opera. Jay Nicolaisen, to 'verismo', 'For Grout and Garmeanings attributed writes: ner veristic opera must be shocking -a quality hardly central to Ver(Italian Opera in Transition, 1871-1893, p. 245). And ga's style' Carl Dahlhaus, in one of the latest and most stimulating studies on the subject, states: 'Although the archetype of veristic opera, Cavalleria Rusticana, uses a libretto based on an incontestably veristic various play by Giovanni Verga... the number of criteria of naturalistic style which the opera still observes is remarkably small' (Realism in nineteenth-century music, p. 69). In Italy, modern studies have superseded the narrow view put forinvestigation ward by Mario Rinaldi in the earliest specific of the between verismo and opera. He claimed that there simply was no such thing as veristic music: 'Troppo facilmente a stato scambiato it periodo musicale basato sulla letteratura verista con quello connections inconcepibile di musica verista. Musica verista a un binomio the e incapace di vita' (Musica e verismo, 1932, p. 13). As late as 1953, Ildebrando Pizzetti reiterated a similarly negative view in an article 187 for the Corriere sica verista? The critical " 1953) significantly reappraisal in late tendency realistic Sera (2 July della of operatic nineteenth-century dano, b. 1867). Besides by Mario edited dedicated Mascagni, a fresh b. 1863; Gior- monographs on those composers, L'Opera in 1964 and 1968, the quarterly journal issue (Jan. /March 1966) to 'verismo musicale'. Morini an entire The following the two bulky and the verismo opera witnessed in the 1960s (a decade of anniversaries: start "Mu- entitled year, a major exhibition was mounted at the Museo Tea- in Musics alla Scala on the theme Problemi del Verismo nell'Opera (2 Dec. 1967 1968). Jan. Articles in and studies appeared major -7 Interest newspapers and musical periodicals. waned in the 1970s but trale has recently picked on Mascagni included Cella, vetti, ject is Luigi Rivista up again. four Nicolodi). Baldacci's Musicale Italiana In 1984 a beautifully essays by leading illustrated musicologists (Casini, volume Sal- One of the latest contributions on the sub"I libretti di Mascagni", in Nuova published (July/September 1985). The question of verismo in the musical theatre is far from being Further clarification finally settled. may come with a comparative In this musical movement, Emile Zola, evaluation of French naturalism. the main figure of literary naturalism, 188 was involved as librettist. NOTESto Chapter 1 1 no. 31,1978, Egon Voss, "Verismo in der Oper", Die Musikforschung, p. 303. 2 Boito for wrote for Catalani the libretto Ponchielli libretto the first of his can be found in Guido Salvetti, and (1875). opera La falce Praga rearranged the libretto of Ponchielli's for its 1872 new version. A detailed survey operas (1876) of La Gioconda I promessi sposi 'Scapigliatura' of the "La Scapigliatura milanese Studell'Ottocento. e it teatro d'opera", I1 melodramma italiano di e ricerche per Massimo Mila, Torino, 1977. 3 Pietro Mascagni, Cinquantenario della "Cavalleria Rusticana". durante la creazione ai librettisti ed. Giovanni Cenzato, Milano, 1940, p. 36. Le Lettere 4 "D'Annunzio G. M. Gatti, 'In Opera-Composers", April 1924, pp. 284-85. whole opera suffers from elephantiasis'. Musical 'the Italian and the Quarterly, so far efforts text, as Parisina to solve certain and in so far stration and, of expression, the credit contains as praise in general, this is with due for regard The that stated He concluded: problems the musician's presented greater care to the technical opera may be entered of the Italian Gatti pages proving stylistic del capolavoro, without in the in orcheelements hesitation to composer. ' G., I copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi, ed. G. Cesari and A. Muzio, Milano, 1913, p. 559. See also Charles Osborne, The letters of Verdi, London, 1971, p. 212. 5 Verdi, 6 Two months before Verdi's letter, Luigi Capuana had published an enthusiastic review of Vita dei Campi in the Corriere della Sera (20-21 September 1880). Verga lived He had access to the prestigious lifelong friend. See Raffaello p. 624. 8 Rene Leibowitz, de Verdi", salon of Clara Maffei, Verdi's Barbiera, I1 Salotto della Con- 1915, p. 368. to Clara Maffei dated 20 October 1876 in I copialettere, tessa Maffei, 7 See letter in Milan from 1872 to 1887. Atti Firenze, et Verite de l'Interpretation del I Congresso Internazionale di Studi Verdiani, "Verisme, Veracite Parma, 1969, p. 146. 189 9 Richard Langham Smith, Debussy on Music, ed., 1977, pp. London, 119-20. 10 See: David Kimbell, the Age of Dahlhaus, century music, in Italian for II in in nineteenth1985, pp. 66-68. from tradi- departures and examines the`duetýVioletta/ out Verdi's pointing while keeping of the cantabile-cabaletta structure 11 Giovanni Ugolini, Cambridge, 'individual dialogue of musical Realism opera", procedures', Germont of Act ventional Traviata", Verdi La Cambridge, 1981, p. 654; Carl Mary Whittall, trans. makes allowances in blocks and 'realism' Romanticism, in the musical Giorgio it Italian "Realism Dahlhaus tion "Verdi tendency it to shape the con- within sequence. "La Traviata ei rapporti di Verdi con 1'opera del I Congresso Internazionale di Studi Verdiani, Atti verista", Parma, 1969, pp. 261-67. 12 Giovanni Ugolini, verista", 19-29. 13 "Umberto Giordano e it problema dell'opera Umberto Giordano, ed. Mario Morini, Milano, 1968, pp. A detailed of the radical analysis changes in Italian in opera the period coinciding 'operatic with the short-lived verismo' Italian Opera in Transition, can be found in Jay Nicolaisen, 1871-1893, Ann Arbor, Composer's Task", 14 G.A. Biaggi, 1980, particularly in the chapter "The pp. 42-67. "Rassegna musicale", Nuova Antologia, 1 April 1891, p. 551. 15 Carteggi pucciniani, ed. Eugenio Gara, Milano, 1958, p. 182. 16 Mosco Carner, Giacomo Puccini. Tosca, Cambridge, 1985, p. 7. Carner reiterates what he wrote in his earlier Critical Biography, London, 1958, p. 242. Puccini. A 17 Carteggi dated 23 August 1896). pucciniani, p. 151 (letter 18 See Carl Dahlhaus, "The 'musical novel"', in Realism in nineteenthcentury music quoted above, p. 93. 19 See Marcello Conati, "Mascagni, Puccini, Germania", Discoteca, 20 Rubens Tedeschi, Leoncavallo & C. in August 1976. "L'estetica del coltello", Addio, fiorito I1 melodramma italiano da Boito al verismo, Milano, asil. 1978; Rodolfo Celletti, "I1 melodramma delle aree depresse", Discoteca, 15 June 1962 and 15 July 1962. 21 G.B. Shaw, Music in London 1890-94, London, 1950, III, 190 p. 246. NOTESto Chapter 2 1 "Cavalleria Rusticana" and the other of Vita stories dei Campi in avolume by in periodicals and were later published "Jeli "Fantasticheria", Treves i't; the following order: appeared Emilio it "Rosso Malpelo", pastore", "L'amante thematic rial di Gramigna", of nucleus "Padron called unsatisfactory di santi", "Cavalleria" 'Ntoni", in a letter ga mentions "Guerra was part a 'bozzetto "La lupa", Rusticana", "Cavalleria The "Pentolaccia". of the narrative mate- which Ver- marinaresco', to Treves of 25 September 1875 as being (see be "Storia to completely and about redrafted 1'editore Carteggio Capuana", V. by con e con 16 March -1 April 1940). In Nuova Antologia, and L. Perroni, 1892, after the success of Mascagni's opera and in view of the de I Malavoglia of "La lupa", dramatization dei Vita Campi with and placed novelle Treves published Cavalleria the title Rusticana and "La lupa" "Cavalleria" a new edition of ed altre at the beginning of the book. a Edouard Rod", Opere, ed. L. Russo, Napoli, 2 G. Verga, "Lettere 3 1961, p. 918. Mascagni did manage to complete Ratcliff at La Scala on 16 February 1895. 4 Pietro 5 Pietro 6 All Mascagni, Cinguantenario 8 9 10 11 "Cavalleria premiered Rusticana", p. 11. Mascagni, ed. Mario Morini, Milano, 1964, I, p. 278. quotations are taken from Giovanni Verga, Tutto it teatro, Milano, 7 della and had it 1980. For the analogies between Cavalleria I mafiusi (1863) Barsotti, Verga drammaturgo, and an earlier Sicilian by Gaspare Mosca and Giuseppe Rizzotto, Firenze, 1974, ch. play, see Anna 2. The setting of Cavalleria featured a 'carabinieri' station along with the church, Nunzia's tavern and Zio Brasi's stable. Roma, G. Verga, Lettere sparse, ed. Giovanna Finocchiaro Chimirri, 1979, p. 180. G. Pitre, Usi e Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi del Popolo Siciliano, Palermo, 1889,, 11, p. 294. le G. Pitre, Usi Costumi, II, p. 292. Pitre also regrets that the word 'mafia' should have acquired a negative connotation (p. 293). A similar statement can be found in a lecture by Luigi Capuana on 191 "La Sicilia nei canti popolari e nella novellistica contemporanea" (1894), now in L. Capuana, Verga e D'Annunzio, ed. Mario Pomilio, Bologna, 1972, pp. 145-46. 12 Severino Ferrari, 13 In the play, gently 14 15 16 from 'quelli by Zia Filomena to take care of his pennacchio', he is readiness del and his response is a sensible one: Zia Filomena (a compare Alfio) Piuttosto dire andate a a vostra moglie the suona la messa, scomunicato! Compar Alfio - Corro a governare le mie bestie, e vado a dirglielo. Non dubitate, son cristiano anch'io. P. Mascagni, Cinquantenario della "Cavalleria Rusticana", p. 13. The four quatrains of the concertato were published Rusticana", cagni, Cinquantenario della "Cavalleria (Sc. 11) Turiddu sings: s'io non tornassi... voi dovrete fare da madre a Santa, ch'io le avea giurato di condurla all'altare. which is an exact rendering of Turiddu's last in P. Masp. 14. In his farewell the play: 17 his states no help with reproached and sedate Alfio after own interests 1888 "La nonna", Nuovi Versi, 'E se mai... alla voi, madre. ' pensateci Giuseppe Pitre sui canti lists popolari Santa, the non ha nessuno al mondo, in a "Studio introduttivo siciliani" which opens vol. 1 of his Canti Palermo, 1870-71,2 vols. On p. 183 of the these categories siciliani, same volume he quotes a Sicilian terms: popolari words in Scene 8 of song incorporating the four Cantami quantu vol ca t'arrispunnu: D'amuri, gilusia, spartenza e sdegnu. ('Sing as much as you want that I will answer you: /About love, jealousy, parting and spite'). 18 G. Verga, Lettere was written too difficult sparse, p. 160. A piece for chamber orchestra by Perrotta and sent to Milan; but it was considered to play. It was first performed in Catania at the Teatro Pacini 19 Originally in 1886. the two librettists had Italianized dimi- Mascagni suggesof Salvatore into a ludicrous 'Torello'. ted that the Verghian character should keep his name. A. D'Ancona, La poesia popolare italiana, Livorno, 1906, p. 281. nutive 20 the Sicilian 192 The first edition Mascagni's friend 21 L. Capuana, "La Sicilia popolari e nella Verga e D'Annunzio, p. 134. contemporanea", 22 nei canti to novellistica the line with (Rustic in libretto heart's dearest! ' 'To the your a reticent for the vocal score, he preferred London, 1892), while, valry, Chi- The English less 23 appeared in 1878 and was therefore available Giacomo De Zerbi for his poetical exercises. Frederic translator, accurate rhythmic Quoted in Giulio version: Cattaneo, Weatherly, 'To all true rendered lovers! Giovanni Verga, Torino, 24 The 'Commissione musicale' was composed of Filippo Giovanni Sgambati, Amintore Galli, Pietro Platania a ' 1963, p. 261. Marchetti, and Francesco The 'Commissione teatrale' D'Arcais. was composed of Paolo Ferrari, Antonio Ghisplaywrights in Italy, one of the most distinguished lanzoni, the librettist of Aida, and Felice Cavallotti, a progres- 25 26 27 sive member of Parliament. His most successful song, "Musica proibita", was known in Britain as "Unspoken Words", text by H. L. D'Arcy Jaxone. In a letter dated 21 April 1890, written by Verga to F. De Roberto to thank him for sending the newspapers with the reviews of the 'Che roba quella Mala opera, the novelist commented sarcastically: (Verga-De Belli! Belli! Pasqua, e the roba quei critici! Belli! Roberto-Capuana, p. 118). Quotations are from S. Gastaldon and G.D. Bartocci Pasqua!, Milano, 1890. Fontana, Mala 28 Monleone's biographer claims that: 'Il lavoro piacque ai giurati, (Mario Pedemonte, Sonzogno e non fu classificato'. ma irritb Domenico Monleone. Ii musicista e l'uomo, Genova, 1942, p. 12). The first Dupont. prize of the competition went to La Cabrera by Gabriel Cavalleria was Monleone's first opera. He also wrote the Una novella del Boccaccio (Genoa, 1909) signing it with operetta the pseudonym of 'Walter Alba eroica (Genoa, 1910); von Stolzing'; Arabesca (Rome, 1913); Suona la ritirata (Milan, 1916); Il Mistero (Venice, 1921); Fauvette (Genoa, 1926); Scheuggio campann-a (Genoa, 1928; three acts in Genoese dialect); La Ronda di notte del Rembrandt (Genoa, 1933). Most of the libretti Monfor were written leone by his brother 29 Giovanni. Giovanni and Domenico Monleone, Cavalleria 193 Rusticana, Milano, 1907. 30 Reviewing the premiere of the opera in Turin (10 July 1907), the it pro'Tutto of Turin's major newspaper La Stampa wrote: logo piace ed 'e applaudito it musiciinfatti con un certo calore: critic sta, tiche di qualitä not the questo 31 volo sinfonista, alto chiaro vi e vigoroso, afferma simpa- E' sembrato ed efficace. la pagina sia prologo a dell'opera'. migliore a similar scene as a May flower festival (G. Tuscan Pitre, Spetits May Day the analogy with and stresses Palermo, 1881, p. 254). G. and tacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane, D. Monleone back-dated May Day to Easter Sunday to add a touch of Giuseppe Pitre describes folklore floral 32 it pur senza spiccare to their opera. In his early 20's, Monleone had started a successful career as a (Theain in involved Vienna had been opera seasons conductor and Athens and Amsterdam where he ter an der Wien), Constantinople, impresario, local De Hondt, who sponsored friends a with made 34 a few years later. G. Verga, Lettere a Dina, ed. Gino Raya, Roma, 1963, p. 177. Ibidem. The 'verdelli' are early lemons which Verga grew on his 'La Duchessa' is Verga's unfinished novel estate of Novalucello. La Duchessa di Leyra, the only chapter of which was published by 35 De Roberto after Verga's death. G. Verga, Lettere a Dina, p. 179. In 1893 Verga accepted a lump Masdispute Sonzogno 143,000 lire the to and with settle sum of Cavalleria 33 for cagni about the royalties inadequate. Cavalleria. He later considered it 1911, friend 'notizia Verga his the 21 September gave as di aver vinto in parte a Milano la causa pel rimborso spese the (Verga, dovevo avere da Monleone e Puccio... lire 5900 circa' 36 As late Lettere 37 74). Dina, p. a can be read in L. Capuana, and Capuana's letter They were first included by Verga e D'Annunzio, pp. 117-125. 1898. Verga's Capuana in his Gli ismi contemporanei, Catania, Boutet's only article comment on Boutet's Capuana, dated Cavalleria 38 20 January as 'quel E. Hanslick, 1895), Berlin, article 1896. in a letter 1894, where he referred pasticcetto "Freund Fritz" can be found musicale, (1892), col to Mascagni's relativo brindisi'. in Fünf Jahre Musik (1891- A more markedly negative 194 to attitude towards Mascagni's music can be found in Hanslick's review of A Santa Lucia by P. Tasca: 'I will make no secret of my own personal feeling, namely that impact one. After a lengthy Fritz again on the occasion cal the paucity In Cavalleria sing. interval,... of their impact ta Lucia" (1893). through its a more unpleasant with almost embaras- by the array of physi- these massed forces highlights over famous Intermezzo, flat and appearances guest invention musical is covered this a smaller I heard both Cavalleria hand the undeservedly makes its but also of Bellincioni's but the contrast effects, on the other 39 I hear them, on me each time and found of Mascagni make not only the operas melifluousness. ' which only Idem, "A San- A comprehensive survey of the French critical response to the in 1892-1910 Italian School Young the the years of can be operas Gusti e tendenze del Novecento musicale found in Fiamma Nicolodi, Firenze, 1982, ch. 1: "L'opera verista a Parigi: una in Italia, The two articles from the Revue musicale a confronto". et Litteraire quoted here are not mentioned in Nicolodi's 'querelle' Politique study. 40 Verga's play by Andre Antoine failed Theatre Libre Bellaigue lianische 42 at his Theatre of that d'Antoine. Libre impression to make a favourable For the reasons 41 known in France was already early failure, Le Repertoire quoted from Hanslick's Bauernehre (Cavalleria thanks to a production 1888 where it on 20 October on critics and audience. see Francis Pruner, Le stranger, 1958. Paris, first review of the opera: "Sicirusticana) von Pietro Mascagni. 1891", Aus dem Tagebuche eines Musikers, Berlin, 1892. del M.o MasG.A. Biaggi, "Della musica melodrammatica italiana, cagni e dell'Amico Fritz dato alla Pergola di Firenze", Nuova 1 December 1891, p. 540. G.B. Shaw, Music in London 1890-94, London, 1949, II, Antologia, 43 "1 June 1892". In vol. I, "21 October 1891", Shaw reviewed the premiere of Cavalleria in these terms: '.. it is a youthfully vigorous piece of work with abundant snatches of melody broken obstreperously off on one 44 dramatic pretext or another. it is, But, lively as and promising it is not a whit more so than the freshest achievements of Mr Hamish MacCunn and Mr Cliffe. ' D. H. Lawrence, Selected Literary Criticism, ed. A. Beal, London, 195 1982, p. 291. A similar statement can be found Mastro-don Gesualdo which Lawrence then rejected shorter just 'He is, note: prefatory the libretto the man who wrote of fact, as, as a matter Verga's to Mascagni's much superior ' (Idem, to sugar-water. as far in a preface in favour as anybody knows his Rusticana. Cavalleria Rusticana as wine is cheap music rather of a to Cavalleria story 46 "Cavalleria rate edizioni questa ne le risibili rie fuori porta, ca melodia del oleografie mondo paesano... mentare l'azione che -a smaglianti zano col carattere the adornano le pareti sono riusciti ha colto piccolo co del racconto sin fortuna it E perche is as Cor- salute- verghiana: sganghe- troppo frequen- delle oste- dell'anti- radiofonica a contaminare. La salutere- e it di profumo s'e '... the non certe di terz'ordine, ne l'incrollabile perche grande novella italiano naturalismo mascagniana mo lietamente della versione melodrammatiche ti, 2 November 1939: I1 Mattino, Rusticana", capolavoro Where- p. 271). Giuseppe Patane, "Mascagni e Verga. Coautori ma non amici", Milano, 26-27 July 1951. riere d'Informazione, questo name, superior 45 remo lietamente to sentimento quel preferito por mano - per comtragisenza the it corale splendore e it viluppo in risapute formule melodrammatisi deformassero musiche originale popolari the suggestivamente ed etnico 196 dell'opera s'armoniz- verghiana. ' NOTESto Chapter 3 1 Verga-De Roberto-Capuana. Celebrazioni Bicentenarie. Biblioteca 1755-1955, ed. Angelo Ciavarella, Catania, in Sardou's drama is documented Puccini's interest Universitaria, Catania. 2 1955, p. 124. from May 1889 when he wrote to Ricordi 'imploring' him to take the necessary steps in order to obtain Sardou's permission. Carteggi pucciniani, ed. Eugenio Gara, Milano, 1958, p. 102. 3 Ibidem. 4 Marotti-Pagni, the incident 5 Giacomo Puccini intimo, 1926. Earlier Firenze, on was reported by Giuseppe Adami, "Le opere the Puccini in La Lettura, 1 August 1920. non scrisse", According to Mosco Garner (Puccini: A Critical Biography, London, is taken from musical 1958, p. 320), Rodolfo's 'Nei cieli bigi' sketches Puccini had composed for La Lupa. 6 This fact was first disclosed by Mario Morini in his contribution held in Florence in December to a conference on opera libretti 1977. See "Tavola rotonda: Libretti d'opera", Teatro dell'Italia unita, ed. Siro Ferrone, Milano, 1980, pp. 289-319. 7 8 a Dina, p. 183. P. Tasca (1864-1934) belonged to the landed aristocracy of South(1892) A baron. For his Santa Lucia Sicily; he was a opera ern G. Verga, Lettere see below, Ch. 4. 9 La Lupa/ Tragedia lirica De Roberto/ Musica di Balestrini/ 1919, in 2 atti/ Giovanni Tasca/ Pierantonio in-8, di/ Palermo/ Verga e Federigo Barravecchia & pp. 68. 10 The articles are: Gioacchino published in 11 Popolo di Sicilia Caprera, "La musicalitä nelle opere del Verga" (7 August); G. Ca(13 "Musicalitä della Lupa" August); Alfredo Sangiorgi, "Il prera, Lupa" (21 August); A. Sangiorgi, "La prima di Lupa (23 Littoriale August), and short reviews for the perdi Noto" al formances of August 23-25. The opera was conducted by Franco Ghione, the chorus by Roberto Benaglio. libretto della 11 G. Verga, Lettere sparse, p. 308. 12 After the success of Cavalleria in Turin and Zola's congratulations, Verga sent him a complimentary copy of the play with a French translation and accompanied the gift with a letter in which he acknowledged the influence of Zola's 'idees 197 sur la litterature au theatre' on his work. n'y Verga also ont aucun pretext que cet effet le plus satisfait quasi "Lettere in Cavalleria Iles acteurs Je vous avouerai pour un succes personnel. impersonnel de Cavalleria Rusticana me laisse de mon travail, comme oeuvre litteraire, (Idem, p. 163). 13 See letter that stated car je pense que le theatre, est de beaucoup inferieur au roman... ' of Verga to Cameroni of 15 June 1888, in M. Borghese, inedite di Giovanni Verga", Occidente, 20 May 1935. 14 The comedy to be derived from Drammaintimo, which Verga never to the one in La Lupa: completed, illustrated a similar situation (a mother countess) and daughter are in love with the same man (a marquis); the daughter marries the man and the mother dies of consumption. 15 Ugo Ojetti, Alla Firenze, 1946, p. 122. scoperta dei letterati, 16 La Lupa appeared for the first time in Rivista Nuova di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 15 February 1880. Capuana's review of Vita dei Campi was written for the Corriere della Sera (20-21 September 1880) and collected with other critical studies in Capuana's Studi sulla letteratura contemporanea, II Serie, Catania, 1882. Here it is quoted from the modern reprint in Capuana, Verga e ed. Mario Pomilio, Bologna, 1972, pp. 79-80. In an for the death of his friend, published in Giornale del- D'Annunzio, obituary l'Isola, il '... 30 November 1915, Verga acknowledged his debt to Capuana: suo senso artistico era cosi schietto e penetrante, the accennare a certi avvenimenti the egli reputava anche a sentirgli troppo arrischiati per farne argomento di novella o di scena, se Cosi a me venne "La Lupa", ne subiva la comunicante ispirazione. la tragica ta. avventura di una contadina sua vicina a Santa Margheri- I 17 Capuana noted in his review: 'Qua e lä sembra la traduzione di qualche leggenda popolare, conquel ritorno d'imagini e di parole di cui l'autore s'e stupendamente servito. ' A modern critic, of the 'pale' attribute, recalls commenting on the recurrence that the tragic Erinyes or Furies were accompanied by three fiRage and Pallor. See G. Mazzacurati, "Scrittura gures: Terror, e ideologia in Verga ovvero le metamorfosi Forma e ideologia, Napoli, 1974, p. 163. 18 All quotations della Lupa", in his of La Lupa are taken from G. Verga, Opere, ed. L. 198 Russo, Napoli, 1961, pp. 124-128.. ' 19 G. Verga, Cavalleria Rusticana and Other Stories, translated by D. H. Lawrence, London, 1928, pp. 23-24. The merits and faults of Lawrence's translation of Vita dei Campi and Novelle Rusticane "Le traduzioni are discussed by Giovanni Cecchetti, D. H. Lawrence", in his I1 Verga maggiore, Firenze, verghiane di 1968, p. 189 et seq. 20 The play cluding was first published by Treves Cavalleria Rusticana and Il from G. Verga, are taken editions ly libretto of the Tutto it (Palermo, in 1896, in a volume inAll portineria. teatro, Milano, quotations 1980. The two 1919; Noto, 1932) are absolute- 1982, ' II, p. 192. "Carmen" 15 February 1890, identical. 21 G. Verga, Tutte le novelle, Milano, published in the Gazzetta letteraria, was first and then included 22 G. D'Annunzio, in I ricordi Poesie. Teatro. del capitano d'Arce (1891). Prose, ed. M. Praz and F. Gerra, 1966, p. 24. 'Ai miei tempi si diceva: Milano-Napoli, 23 Filomena: 'Vile chi si pente! ' 'Il buon (play, ' I, 2): Janu: 'Comare Pina, sapete sino alla panno cimosa! (play, "Maritati e muli lasciali come dice it proverbio: soli" In the libretto, II, 9). II, 10, Janu says: '... ma it mondo dice: lupo perde... "', intending "Il lupo perde il pelo ma non it The line was not set by Tasca; like Puccini, he did not vizio". appreciate proverbs in an opera. "Il 24 Siro Ferrone writes about Verga's passage: 'Il filtro lirico con letcui a guardata la campagna non mimetizza neppure la struttura lasciando the si manifesti un punto di vista dell'autore teraria, a quello dei personaggi, un periodare narrativo piü ' See "La Lupa. Dissoluzione del verithe 'verista'. in S. Ferrone, Il teatro di Verga, Roma, 1972, p. smo teatrale", 226. sovrapposto 'romantico' Busk, The Folk-Songs of Italy, London, 1887, p. 4. Miss Busk's anthology includes some "Canzuni" and "Ciuri" of Sicily, 'selected expressly for this work by Dr. Giuseppe Pitre 25 Rachel Harriette The main collections of Palermo'. of Sicilian songs are: Lionardo Vigo, Canti popolari siciliani, Catania, 1857 and its second enlarged edition Raccolta amplissima di canti popolari siciliani, 199 1870-74; S. Salamone-Marino, Canti popolari siciliani in aggiunta a quelli del Vigo, Palermo, 1867; Giuseppe Pitre, Canti Palermo, 1870-71,2 vols. Pitre specifies popolari siciliani, Catania, less than 1000 Sicilian his volumes contain little popular inediti, da aggiungere ai 1300 di Lionardo songs 'quasi tutti Essi sono comunissiVigo e ai 750 di Salvatore Salamone-Marino. that mi in tutta la Sicilia'. 26 The 'ballo tondo' which precedes and accompanies Pina's entrance (play and libretto, 1,2,3), may have been suggested by a personIn the article of the author. published in Gioron Capuana's death (see above, n. 16), Verga wrote, 'In quel podere the gli era stato caro,... to his friend: al recollection nale dell'Isola referring mi fece vedere la capanna della "gnä Pina", la sciagurata madre adultera; e assistendo al ballo dei contadini la sera, dinanzi a quella candela fumosa appesa al torchio delle olive mi egli parve di vedere anch'io, fosco'. 27 Miss Busk states viventi, in her anthology: le fosche figure 'The habit di quel dramma of singing a gara earnestness in to a greater extent and with greater prevails ... Sicily than elsewhere; sometimes in public fairs, rustic gatherings, at vintage and harvest, sometimes merely at the wineshop (R. doors' H. Busk, The Folk-Songs of Italy, p. 48). and cottage 28 I, p. 43. See also Pitre, Canti popolari, No. 666: 'Galofaru di Spagna, duci amuri' (Bronte) 742: 'Galofaru russu 'ncarnatu d'amuri' (Aci) 743: 'Galofaru 744: 'Galofiru 745: 'Galofiru 746: 'Galofiru 747: 'Galofaru 748: 'Galofaru 1703: 'Galofaru 29 (Palermo) di spassi e di piaciri' (Catania) di Spagna dilittusu' (Mazzara) di Spagna Si' vinutu' (Milazzo) 'n d'oru' chiantatu virga d'argentu lu miu Amuri' (Alimena) chi fai stu bell'oduri' d'argentu spampinatu' (Termini) (Palermo + variation [from Mineo). from Pitre's Proverbi, Here is the octave in Sicilian Vidi, e taci, si bene aviri voi, La cosa no la diri, si non sai, Ama l'amicu, cu li vizii soi, ä lu locu, undi stai, Porta rispettu Vbgghinni chili pri li vicini toi, Chi non pri cui nb lu vidisti mai, 200 IV, p. 283: 30 Nun f ari chili di chiddu, chi tu poi, Pensa la cosa avanti, chi la fai. by Pitre in "Canzuni e Ciuri" song is included A similar Canti di popolari l'armuzza p. 254: Another mia'. comment from a minor in Act II, I, siciliani, is stornello on Pina's character 3 of the libretto la via/'Nnamurateddu inserted as an ironic di fico: /E' mai l'amore scorda house, to Nanni's return 'Foglia only: luogo, /ma non si amor nuovo trova 'Muta of his ver the ' antico! The strambotto, the stornello and other forms of popular poetry are discussed at length by Alessandro D'Ancona in his fundamental work La poesia popolare italiana. 31 In his letter of refusal above, n. 6), Mascagni, ted: 'lo trovo figlia quella Sapevo the di ma speravo leria fatta lirico the i versi he praised di tutti unicamente non c'era fossero self-assurance, musicabilitä;... da cima a fondo, had become a fastidious libretto alla (see by M. Morini i rapporti, tutti sotto adatto poesia quoted characteristic the se ne dicono di Pina scocciante nelli, with impossibile monotono e per nulla quella to Ricordi, quel di un soggetto quella i colori, ballo sta- it madre, carattere di con canto stornelli stor- e di rispetti... detto Puccini glielo aveva ' The composer of Cavalmigliori. nulla connoisseur! were the domestic idyll The only opening parts Act II of the and the lyrical solos for Mara. 32 G. Verga, Lettere a Dina, p. 245 and p. 296. 33 Giulio Pacuvio, "Verga e un Mistero derivato da Cavalleria Rusti- cana", Scenario, March 1940, pp. 112-116. in un prologo e un atto/ di/ Giovanni 34 11 Mistero/ scene siciliane Verga and Giovanni Monleone/ musica di/ Domenico Monleone/ Milano/ Casa Musicale Sonzogno/ 1921, pp. 31. 35 In a scuffle among the crowd, some women shout: 'Sciamannona! ', 'Arrabbiata! ', 'Paneperso! ' (from "Pane Nero" of the Rusticane), (from "Cavalleria 'Santo diavolone! ' Rusticana"). G. Monleone and His major achievement was a was an accomplished philologist. Jacopo da Varagine e la sua Cronaca di Genova critical edition: dalle 36 al MCCXCVII. Studio introduttivo e testo critico commentato di Giovanni Monleone, Roma, 1941,3 vols. Gnä Nunzia. Senti, va a buttarti ai piedi del Crocifisso. origini Santuzza. No, in chiesa non ci posso andare, gnä Nunzia. (Sc. 1) 201 Santuzza. Turiddu. No, non ci vado in chiesa. I1 giorno di Pasqua! Santuzza. Lo sapete Gnä Lola. E voi Santuzza. In chiesa ci ha da andare chi ha la coscienza netta, gnä Lola. the non posso andarci. (Sc. 2) non ci andate in chiesa? (Sc. Zio Brasi. 0 comare Santa the va in chiesa piü nessuno! Santuzza. Sono in peccato mortale, 37 All quotations of "Il Mistero" novelle, Milano, 1969, I. 3) quando non c'e zio Brasi! (Sc. 5) are taken from G. Verga, Tutte le p. 115. p. 113. 38 Scenario, 39 Scenario, 40 Ibidem. 41 Ibidem. 42 amplissima, no. 1462: 'Amuri, amuri, chi m'hai fattu fari! /Li senzii mi Thai misu 'nfantasia, ' etc. Ano('M'innamorai del vostro piether song quoted by the Frog-seller is also taken from Vigo's de/quando al suono v'ho vista ballare') (no. 708). collection 43 G. Verga, Lettere Lionardo Vigo, Raccolta a Dina, p. 168. Verga's admiration for Franchetti goes back to the time of the dramatization of La Lupa. In (15 letters Roberto July 1893), after expressing his De to of one his persuasion that Puccini did not feel that drama, Verga wrote: 'Cosa stando le cose, siccome so the it Franchetti a in cerca di libretto, perche non darlo a lui? ' (Verga-De Roberto-Capuana, p. 125). a Luigi Capuana, ed. Gino Raya, Firenze, 1975, is about Capuana's volume of fables C'era una p. 200. The letter in 1882, which Verga warmly praised. volta, published earlier 44 G. Verga, Lettere 45 Verga's account of the log-book finding appeared in an interview (R. Artuffo, "Con Giovanni Verga", La Tribuna, 2 February 1911) and was then reported by other critics among whom Croce and Russo. D. H. Lawrence seized upon it and hastily concluded that it 'explains ("Introduction to Cavalall we need to know about Verga's style' leria Rusticana", D. H. Lawrence, Selected Literary 202 Criticism, ed. A. Beal, Capuana's non si fare 46 influence Verga, pits grande the si abbia L. Russo, Giovanni Verga, G. Verga, Lettere a Luigi verse, lation a late version nostro avuto, importance verismo ('Oggi to the male del Capuana, bisogna per quella del spirituale of Verga's senza dir onore a quest'ultimo formazione Russo gave adequate on the evolution bene del pub dir alto nella tiva 1982, p. 290. London, influenza scrittore in Italia, the egli di prosa dopo it ebbe narra- Manzoni. ' 1920, p. 51). Napoli, Capuana, p. 223. The tale in Sicilian novella and an English transof the Italian in a bilingual with a short introduction were published edition by Alfred Alexander, I1 "Comparatico" del verismo, Roma, 1970. An earlier gl'inizi di Luigi Capuana e and better version of the novella can be read in a modern edition of Capuana's Le PaeMilano, 1974. sane, ed. Edoardo Villa, 47 Gianni Oliva, Caltanissetta-Roma, Capuana in archivio, 1979, p. 359. 48 In the opera, Cola invites Jana to another traditional 'chiodo', and again she stops after just a few bars. Pitre dedicates a long chapter to "Sonatori e Balli" del Popolo Siciliano, Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi I. all dance, the Giuseppe in his Usi e Palermo, 1889, ruggera' or 'lu dances (p. 355). The 'chiodo' He defines 'la ruggeri' as the most curious of is described in vol. II of the devoted to "Weddings". (p. 84) in the section same work 49 All quotations of the comedy are taken from the text published in Milano, 1974, pp. 303-347. For the opera, Le Paesane, ed. E. Villa, has been used. It is identical to the one pubthe 1893 libretto lished in Milan in 1985 except for the pagination (35 pages instead of 32). 50 Frontini Sicilian of fifty popular songs Milano, Ricordi, complete with piano arrangement: Eco dells Sicilia, [1883]. published a collection in Sicilian to his friend (31 May 1911), de51 Verga wrote a letter (G. in the the fending Malis in Italian against vernacular version Verga, Lettere a Luigi Capuana, p. 217). The Sicilian translation of Malia was published in recent times by Alfredo Barbina in Bologna, 1970, and by Pietro Mazzamuto Teatro verista siciliano, (Luigi Capuana, Teatro dialettale siciliano, ed. P. Mazzamuto, Catania, 1974). 203 NOTESto Chapter 4 the periodical La Critica, the essay was della later published as an Appendix to Croce's La letteratura Bari, 1915, IV. In 1903 Croce wrote a critinuova Italia, cal essay on Di Giacomo which was included in the third volume 1 Written in 1909 for of the same work together 2 with studies on Verga, Serao, Capuana and others. The modern two-volume edition of Di Giacomo's works, edited by Francesco Flora and Mario Vinciguerra, published by Mondadori in volume to Le Poesie e le Novelle and the second to Il Teatro e le Cronache including most of his writings 1979 The is used Naples. history the reprint of culture and on in this study and is indicated as Di Giacomo I or II followed by 1946, devotes the first 3 the page number. Matilde Serao, Il 1973, p. 10. The prompted by the cholera epiof articles work is a collection demic of 1884 and written by Serao partly in that year and partThe title ly some twenty years later. was suggested by a dramaventre di Napoli, Napoli, Amore, Nicola by Naples, the at the of mayor made statement The 'sventratime of the cholera: 'Bisogna sventrare Napoli'. tic low districts the the of the city of clearance mento', (Pendino, Porto and Mercato) to make room for a wide straight buildto the the the and station centre railway connecting road that is, ing of decent homes, began in 1889 and was completed in the early 4 5 years of our century. G. Verga, Opere, ed. L. Russo, Napoli, 1961, p. 943. The text of the song was written by the optician Raffaele Sacco. Donizetti was in Naples at that time for the premiere of Lucia di Lammermoor (San Carlo, 26 September 1835). The attribution by Marcello Sorce disputed of the song to him is convincingly "Io to voglio bene assaie, celebre canzone Keller in his article RiDonizetti", Nuova tradizionalmente attribuita a napoletana vista no. 4, Oct. /Dec. 1985. Di Giacomo deof his Napoli: figure e paesi (1909) to the Musicale Italiana, voted an article story of this song. 6 In the chapter "Piedigrotta" (1914), Di Giacomo outlines of his Luci ed ombre napoletane the history of the popular festival 204 and mentions Ricci's opera as having been performed three hundred He defines the famous "Tarantella" times. and sixty-four as 'the and original most characteristic example of that kind of music' (Di Giacomo, II, p. 722). A description of the typical Piedigrotta instruments 7 is included Eduard Hanslick, Cilea, in the chapter. "Italienische Mugnone, Giordano", Opern von Mascagni, Fünf Jahre Musik Leoncavallo, (1891-95), Berlin, 1896. 8 M. Serao, Il 9 E. Hanslick, ventre di Napoli, p. 69. "A Santa Lucia", Fünf Jahre Musik (1891-95), 1896. 10 M. Serao, I1 ventre di Napoli, p. 99. 205 Berlin, BIBLIOGRAPHY The following is, a list of libretti and vocal scores which were consulted and from which quotations and musical examples have been taken. by composer. Arrangement is alphabetical LIBRETTI The name of the librettist FLORIDIA, Pietro f6F is given in brackets (P. Floridia), Milano, G. Ricordi, atti", FRANCHETTI,Alberto (G. D'Annunzio), Tedeschi, popolane in [1894]. La figlia 1906. Milano, G. Ricordi, pastorale", FRONTINI, Francesco Paolo (L. Capuana), Malia, Marchi, A the composer. Maruzza, "Scene liriche tre Bologna, Achille after oý 1893. di Iorio, "Tragedia "Melodramma in tre New edition: atti", Arturo De Milano, 1895. Stanislao GASTALDON, (G. D. Bartocci Fontana), Mala Pasqua!, "Dramma in 3 atti", Milano, G. Ricordi, 1890. GIORDANO,Umberto (N. Daspuro), Mala Vita, "Melodramma in tre lirico Milano, atti", E. Sonzogno, 1892. GIORDANO,Umberto (N. Daspuro), 11 voto, E. Sonzogno, 1897 (revised "Melodramma in tre atti", Milano, version of Mala Vita). La collana di Pasqua, "Scene liriche LUPORINI, Gaetano (L. Illica), Milano, G. Ricordi, 1896. in tre atti", MASCAGNI,Pietro (G. Targioni Tozzetti and G. Menasci), Cavalleria "Melodramma in un atto", Milano, E. Sonzogno, May 1890. Second edition: 1891; modern August 1890; third edition: Milano, Casa Musicale Sonzogno, 1981. edition: MASCAGNI,Pietro (trans. Frederic E. Weatherly), Cavalleria Rusticana (Rustic Chivalry), London, E. Ascherberg & Co., 1892. Rusticana, MINED, Enrico (G. Bonaspetti), Milano, Tipografia Un mafioso, "Dramma lirico degli Operai, 1896. Domenico (G. Monleone), Cavalleria MONLEONE, Rusticana, in due atti", "Dramma lirico in un prologo e un atto", Milano, A. Puccio, 1907. Domenico (G. Verga and G. Monleone), 11 Mistero, MONLEONE, in unprologo zogno, 1921 siciliane e un atto", 206 Milano, "Scene Casa Musicale Son- RICCI, Luigi (M. D'Arienzo), Piedigrotta, "Commedia per musica in dei Gemelli, 1853. Napoli, Tipografia quattro atti", SEBASTIANI, Carlo (S. Di Giacomo), A San Francisco, Luigi Napoli, napoletana", SMAREGLIA,Antonio atti", TASCA, Pierantonio Nozze Istriane, "Dramma lirico in tre 1908. C. Schmidl, Trieste, 1896. Pierro, (L. Illica), "Scena lirica (E. Golisciani), "Melodramma in A Santa Lucia, Tipografia Amati, 1893. Trieste, due atti", TASCA, Pierantonio (G. Verga and F. De Roberto), La Lupa, "Tragedia 1919. Palermo, Barravecchia & Balestrini, in 2 atti", lirica Noto, Rosario Caruso, 1932. New edition: SCORES VOCAL CELLINI, Emidio, Vendetta sarda, Milano, E. Sonzogno, 1895. FRONTINI, Francesco Paolo, Malia, Milano, A. De Marchi, 1895. Stanislao, GASTALDON, Milano, GIORDANO,Umberto, Mala Vita, 1896. G. Civelli, Milano, Stellina, E. Sonzogno, 1892. Sonzogno, 1910. GIORDANO,Umberto, Mese Mariano, Milano, trans. Frederick Ruggero, Pagliacci, LEONCAVALLO, London, Ascherberg, Hopwood & Crew, 1893. Rusticana Cavalleria MASCAGNI,Pietro, (Rustic Chivalry), E. Weatherly', London, Ascherberg, Frederic E. Weatherley, trans. Hopwood & Crew, [1892]. MASSENET,Jules, La Navarraise, Domenico, Cavalleria MONLEONE, Milano, A. Puccio, 1907. Heugel et C. ie, 1894. Rusticana, trans. Ottomar Piltz, Domenico, 11 Mistero MONLEONE, Milano, Paris, (Das Passionspiel), A Basso Porto, SPINELLI, Nicola, Carisch & Jänichen; TASCA, Pierantonio, Doebbler, trans. Leipzig, A Santa Lucia, Berlin, & Härtel, Breitkopf Sonzogno; Leipzig, Luigi trans. Dr. Jülg, 1921-22. Hartmann, Milano, M. Oberdörffer, 1896. and arranged Johannes trans. Bote & Bock, 1893. della Madonna, trans. WOLF-FERRARI,Ermanno, I gioielli 1912. Weinberger, Leipzig, stoeckl, Hans Lieb- ------------- TASCA, Pierantonio, La Lupa, (manuscript teca Comunale, Noto, Sicily. 207 orchestral score), Biblio- GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Arrangement is cals consulted by author and includes in the present study. alphabetical and quoted ALEXANDER,Alfred, I1 "Comparatico" verismo, Roma, 1970. ASORROSA, Alberto, ed., Il "I libretti BALDACCI, Luigi, Italiana, Il Salotto Contessa Maffei, della Teatro verista siciliano, BARSOTTI, Anna, Verga drammaturgo, Firenze, Firenze, 1915. 1974. de l'Op4ra-Comique: Revue des Deux Mondes, 1 February, 1910. Cavalleria Rusticana", 1892. de M. J. Massenet au Theatre de Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 October 1895. "La Navarraise BELLAIGUE,Camille, 1'Opera-Comique", BIAGGI, Girolamo Alessandro, April Musicale Bologna, 1970. Mascagni, Napoli, Pietro "Theatre BELLAIGUE,Camille, del 1985. BARBINA, Alfredo, BASTIANELLI, Giannotto, Capuana e gl'inizi caso Verga, Palermo, 1972. di Mascagni", Nuova Rivista July/September BARBIERA,Raffaello, di Luigi books and periodi- "Rassegna musicale", Nuova Antologia, 1 1891. del M.o Mascagni "Della musica melodrammatica italiana, e dell'Amico Fritz dato alla Pergola di Firenze", Nuova Antolo1891. 1 December gia, BIAGGI, G.A., BONTEMPELLI,Massimo, Verga, L'Aretino, Scarlatti, Verdi, 1941. Milano, Mascagni et la Jeune Italie Musicale", 28 January 1905. Politique et Litteraire, The Folk-Songs of Italy, London, 1887. BUSK, Rachel Harriette, BOUYER,Raymond, "Pietro Revue Verga e D'Annunzio, ed. M. Pomilio, Bologna, 1972. Milano, 1974. CAPUANA,Luigi, Le paesane, ed. Eduardo Villa, Biography, London, 1958. CARNER,Mosco, Puccini: A Critical CAPUANA,Luigi, CARNER,Mosco, Giacomo Puccini. Tosca, Cambridge, 1985. CARPI, Antonio, April "Verismo nell'opera 1955. di Mascagni", La Scala, Milano, pucciniani, ed. Eugenio Gara, Milano, 1958. CASINI, Claudio-F. Cella-F. Nicolodi-G. Salvetti, Mascagni, Milano, Carteggi 1984. CATTANEO,Giulio, Giovanni Verga, Torino, CECCHETTI,Giovanni, "Le traduzioni 1963. verghiane di D. H. Lawrence", 208 I1 Verga maggiore, Firenze, 1986. CELLETTI, Rodolfo, "Il melodramma delle aree depresse", 15 June and 15 July 1962. CONATI, Marcello, "Mascagni, Puccini, Leoncavallo Discoteca, & C. in Germania", August 1976. Discoteca, La letteratura CROCE,Benedetto, 4 vols. DAHLHAUS,Carl, della nuova Italia, Realism in nineteenth-century Cambridge, 1985. Whittall, Bari, music, trans. 1914-1915, Mary La poesia popolare italiana, Livorno, 1906. D'ARCAIS, Francesco, "La musica italiana e la Cavalleria Rusticana del M.o Mascagni", Nuova Antologia, 1 June 1890. D'ANCONA,Alessandro, DI GIACOMO,Salvatore, Opere, ed. Francesco Flora 1979,2 vols. guerra, Milano, FERRONE,Siro, I1 teatro The Musical Mondes, Paris, Italian and the Opera-Composers", 1924. April Quarterly, "L'auteur GILLET, Louis, di Verga, Roma, 1972. "D'Annunzio GATTI, Guido Maria, and Mario Vinci- de Cavalleria Rusticana", Revue des Deux 15 October 1922. HANSLICK, Eduard, Aus dem Tagebuche eines Musikers, Berlin, 1892. HANSLICK, Eduard, Fünf Jahre Musik (1891-1895), Berlin, 1896. KIMBELL, David, "Verdi Age of Italian KLEIN, John W., "Pietro La traviata", and 'realism' Romanticism, Cambridge, 1981. Verdi in the Mascagni: an Enigmatic Figure", February 1937. Opinion, Musical KLEIN, John W., "Mascagni and his Operas", Opera, London, October 1955. KLEIN, John W., "Pietro Mascagni and Giovanni Verga", Music and 1963. Letters, ed., Debussy on Music, London 1977. Criticism, LAWRENCE, David Herbert, Selected Literary ed. Andrew Beal, London, 1982. SMITH, Richard, LANGHAM et Verite de l'Interpretation di Studi Verdiani, I Congresso Internazionale LEIBOWITZ, Rene, "Verisme, Verdi", Atti'del Veracite Parma, 1969. LIPPMANN,Friedrich, Versificazione Lorenzo Bianconi, LIZIO-BRUNO, Letterio, DPEV1E-S, 1Jt t,, , Napoli, italiana trans. 1986. Canti popolari _T'L-c tZeaý; s e ritmo musicale, Lwº oý 209 delle Isole Eolie e di altri lad ý.a,ým, Lo ý,otoýý 19 Hý luoghi della Sicilia, Messina, 1871. LUPERINI, Romano, Giovanni Verga, Roma-Bari, 1984. MAROTTI, Guido and PAGNI Ferruccio, 1926. Cinguantenario MASCAGNI,Pietro, intimo, Giacomo Puccini della "Cavalleria durante la creazione ai librettisti Giovanni Cenzato, Milano, 1940. lettere musica", MAZZACURATI,Giancarlo, Forma e Ideologia, MONNIER,Marco, La camorra, Napoli, 1965. Napoli, Le Rusticana". del capolavoro, della Cavalleria "I1 cinquantenario 16 January 1940. Nuova Antologia, MASCAGNI,Pietro, Firenze, ed. Rusticana it 1974. 1964,2 Milano, Mascagni, Pietro vols. ed. MORINI, Mario, ed., Umberto Giordano, Milano, 1968. MORINI, Mario, MULE, Francesco Paolo, "Giovanni Verga", Nuova Antologia, 1 April 1922. NICOLAISEN, Jay, Italian Opera in Transition, 1871-1893, Ann Arbor, 1980. NICOLODI, Fiamma, Gusti e tendenze del Novecento musicale Firenze, 1982. in Italia, letterati, Firenze, 1946. dei scoperta Caltanissetta-Roma, 1979. OLIVA, Gianni, Capuana in archivio, of Verdi, London, 1971. OSBORNE,Charles, The letters OJETTI, Ugo, Alla PACUVIO,Giulio, Scenario, "Verga e un Mistero Roma, March 1940. derivato da Cavalleria Rusticana", PATANE,Giuseppe, "Mascagni e Verga - Coautori ma non amici", Milano, 26-27 July 1951. Corriere d'informazione, Mario, PEDEMONTE, Domenico Monleone. I1 musicista e l'uomo, Genova, 1942. I Carteggio de Malavoglia "Storia Lina, con and 16 April March-1 Antologia, Nuova Capuana", 1'editore e con PERRONI,Vito 1940. Palermo, 1870-71,2 vols. PITRE, Giuseppe, Canti popolari siciliani, 1881. Palermo, feste PITRE, Giuseppe, Spettacoli popolari siciliane, e PITRE, Giuseppe, Proverbi degli con quelli e confrontati raccolti Palermo, 1880,4 vols. del popolo credenze e pregiudizi siciliani d'Italia, dialetti altri PITRE, Giuseppe, Usi e costumi, Palermo, 1889. siciliano, 210 Pari siamo! lo la lingua, PORTINARI, Folco, Storia del melodramma ottocentesco Torino, 1981. Le Theatre Libre PRUNER,Francis, Paris, ha it egli pugnale. i suoi libretti, attraverso d'Antoine. Le Repertoire Etranger, 1958. Mascagni", M. Pietro drame lyrique Rusticana, RELY, Rene de, "Cavalleria Revue Politique de en un acte, 23 January et Litteraire, 1892. RINALDI, Mario, Musica e verismo, Roma, 1932. RUSSO,Luigi, Giovanni Verga, Napoli, 1920. Di Giacomo, Napoli, Salvatore RUSSO,Luigi, 1921. SALVETTI, Guido, "La Scapigliatura milanese e il teatro d'opera", Studi e ricerche per dell'Ottocento. I1 melodramma italiano Massimo Mila, Torino, 1977. SERAO,Matilde, SANTI, Piero, 1973. La Scala, ed. Giampiero Tintori, 1966. Milano, SHAW, George Bernard, Music in London 1890-94, The Tenth Muse. A historical SMITH, Patrick, retto, Napoli, I1 ventre di Napoli, "La 'Giovane Scuola'", London, 1949-50,3 London, study of the opera vols. lib- 1971. 1980. Milano, Ferrone, Siro unita, ed. asil. 11 melodramma italiano TEDESCHI,Rubens, Addio, fiorito Boito al verismo, Milano, 1978. Teatro dell'Italia TEDESCO,Natale, Joppolo, 11 cielo di carta. Napoli, 1980. Teatro siciliano da da Verga a verista", "Umberto Giordano e it problema dell'opera 1968. Milano, Morini, M. Giordano, Umberto ed. 1'opera di Verdi con "La traviata ei rapporti UGOLINI, Giovanni, Verdiani, Studi di Internazionale Congresso I del Atti verista", UGOLINI, Giovanni, Parma, 1969. di Giuseppe Verdi, VERDI,Giuseppe, I copialettere 1913. Milano, Luzio, Alessandro and VERGA, Giovanni, Lawrence, VERGA,Giovanni, VERGA,Giovanni, VERGA,Giovanni, 1975. Cavalleria London, Rusticana and Other ed. Gaetano Cesari Stories, trans. 1928. Opere, ed. Luigi Russo, Napoli, 1961. Lettere a Dina, ed. Gino Raya, Roma, 1963. Lettere a Luigi Capuana, ed. Gino Raya, Firenze, D. H.