2
11
Raphael
Nude Studies, probably for
Saint Jerome
c. 1504–5
Pen and brown ink, probably retouched
with darker brown ink, 238 × 146 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 1936
Before his permanent settlement in Rome,
Raphael divided himself flexibly between several towns. With a brilliant ability to recognize
opportunities, he obtained parallel commissions in Urbino, Città di Castello, Perugia,
Siena and Florence. His father’s posi­tion as
court painter was filled by the Umbrian artist
Timoteo Viti (1569–1523),1 and although not
formally tied with the ducal court, Raphael sustained connections with his native
Urbino. While his residence in the town is
solely verified by the acquisition of a house,2
he continued to receive commissions from
the court mainly for portraits and small-scale
allegorical paintings until 1508.3 Raphael’s first
documented altarpiece associates him with
Città di Castello, where he executed further
works between 1501 and 1504, but he was fulfilling commissions in Perugia from late 1502
until the end of 1505 and in Siena up until
1508, striving to maintain his presence in all
these places.
While Raphael had probably visited Florence previously,4 from the autumn of 1504
until his arrival in Rome in 1508, he was mostly
active in the Tuscan town. These years are
frequently referred to as Raphael’s ‘Florentine
period’, however, the painter was simultane-
ously occupied in Perugia, Siena and Urbino
as well.5 Apart from a recommendation of
dubious authenticity dating from 1504 and
the painter’s letter to his uncle in 1508, no
other surviving documents relate to Raphael’s
Florentine sojourn.6 This period is primarily
illumined by the paintings themselves and
by Vasari’s relatively detailed account in the
Lives. Although Vasari is indisputably inclined
to overestimate the pre-eminence of Tuscan
art, it was no exaggeration from him to accentuate the determining influence of Florence
on Raphael’s early career. The painter’s en­riched
artistic concern noticeable in his works from
around 1504–5 evidently originated from his
Florentine experience.
At the turn of the sixteenth century Florence was at the height of its artistic supremacy. The expulsion of the Medici family in
1494 brought about the exceptional painterly
undertaking of the period, the decoration of
the Sala del Gran Consiglio of the Palazzo
della Signoria (Palazzo Vecchio). Leonardo
da Vinci (1452−1519) was commissioned to
decorate one of the longer walls in the middle
of 1503, the pendant of which was entrusted to
his younger rival, Michelangelo in the autumn
of 1504. The frescoes were to commemorate
28
two decisive military events of the Florentine
Republic: one was the victory of the Florentine
troops over Pisa in 1364 at Cascina, and the
other was their triumph over the Milanese
at Anghiari in 1440. Leonardo was engaged
in the creation of the Battle of Anghiari, with
interruptions, from October 1503 until May
1506, when he returned to Milan and left the
unfinished painting behind once and for all.
Michelangelo completed the full-scale cartoon
of the Battle at Cascina, but never started to
paint it [fig. 12].7 Although the undertaking
ended in failure, the unexecuted battle scenes
perfectly exemplify Leon Battista Alberti’s
(1404−1472) concept of dramatic narrative
(istoria).
In his treatise on painting (Della Pittura)
of 1435, Alberti defined istoria as the most
ambitious and difficult category of painting,8
in which the biblical, mythological or fictive
story is told with variety and decorum.9 In
his words, ‘a very great achievement of the
painter is the istoria; parts of the istoria are
the bodies: part of a body a member: part
of a member the surface.’10 Accordingly, the
creation of a dynamic composition including figures depicted in the most varied poses
became valued higher than the theme itself.
Alberti implies that, first and foremost, the
proportions among the parts of the human
body must be developed and maintained
even when the body is shown in motion or
12
Bastiano da Sangallo,
after Michelangelo
The Battle of Cascina
1542
Oil on panel, 76.5 × 129 cm
Norfolk, Holkham Hall, 5
29
foreshortened. He adds that the figures in
the scene should move in a manner appropriate to their age, sex, and station, as well
as to the emotional content of the event.
Finally, Alberti advises that, though an artist
should strive to instil his work with variety,
he should avoid excess.11 Following these principles, Florentine artists began to focus on
the depiction of nude figures in action.
Drawing figure and motion studies of
workshop apprentices (garzoni) became
common practice among Florentine artists
from the end of the fifteenth century, and
reached Urbino through Perugino’s example.12
Raphael’s preliminary drawings for the angels
playing music in the Oddi Coronation attest
that he was already applying this method in
13
Raphael
Nude Studies, probably for
Saint Peter (verso)
c. 1504–5
Pen and brown ink
279 × 169 mm
London, British Museum, Pp. 1-65
the earliest stage of his career [figs. 7 and 8].13
Although Raphael’s concern with the human
nude arose around 1500 through Signorelli’s
impact, very few nude studies survive from
the period before his 1504 sojourn in Florence.14
In the beginning, Raphael followed Peru­
gino’s meditative figure type depicted in static
poses. His early figure studies demonstrate
an approach completely different from the
new method of anatomical drawing per­fected
by Leonardo and Michelangelo at the turn of
the century. Before he visited Florence, Raphael rarely used pen; in line with the traditional
practice exercised in Perugino’s workshop,
he preferred metalpoint or black chalk. His
earliest pen drawings were executed in a
slightly conservative and descriptive manner,
with distinct lines reminiscent of metalpoint
and with forms created by accented outlines
and regular modelling [fig. 9].
Conversely, late fifteenth-century Florentine drawings are characterized by an increasingly free-flowing handling of the pen. Artists
realized the potential of the flexibility of quills
and reed pens, which allowed them to draw
quickly and directly onto paper, and proved to
be perfectly suitable for experimentation. This
type of dynamic and expressive pen drawing,
dispersed from the workshops of Antonio
Pollaiuolo (c. 1432–1498) and Andrea Verrocchio (1435–1488), stimulated the new generation to find various solutions for capturing
the human body in action.
During the first years of the century Raphael executed a whole series of pen drawings
of male figures, most of which represent
soldiers or saints. Besides the Saint Peter in
London [fig. 13] and the Saint Paul in Oxford
[fig. 14], the Budapest drawing is the third in
31
14
Raphael
Nude Studies, probably for
Saint Paul
c. 1504–5
Pen and brown ink
265 × 187 mm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 522
the group of saints that has come down to us
[fig. 11].15 On the basis of the summarily indicated cardinal’s hat and vestments around the
neck and shoulders, the figure is usually identified as Saint Jerome.16 The three drawings,
presumably part of a series depicting saints,
cannot be connected with a certain commission. The figures’ pose in the London and
Budapest drawings suggests a relation with
Saints Peter and Paul in Raph­ael’s Colonna
Altarpiece (New York, Metropolitan Museum),
painted around 1504–5 for the convent of Sant’
Antonio in Perugia.17
On the other hand, it is more likely that the
three saints, akin to his other early Florentine
nude studies, were not executed in preparation
for a specific commission, but were made as a
creative exercise for the pen-and-ink method,
which Raphael was experimenting with at this
time. The first monographer of Raphael’s
drawings, Oskar Fischel, believed that the
saints, together with several other Florentine
drawings by the painter, belonged originally
to a sketchbook. To support his hypothesis,
primarily derived from the sketches’ similar
theme, Fischel listed the characteristics he
found indicative of their origin from a sketchbook: the discoloured corners, the finger­
prints, the old foliation, and the fact that they
were drawn on both sides. He concluded that
from the single sheets scattered today in different collections, Raphael’s ‘Large Florentine
Sketchbook’ may be reconstructed.18 However,
the sixteen sheets Fischel considered are not
identical in size, bear no signs of foliation,
only thirteen are double-sided, and contrary
to his observation, no discolouration or fingerprints are perceivable. Moreover, just the
seven drawings preserved today in Oxford
bear at least four different watermarks, and
two of them have their contours pricked for
transfer. All these features contradict the
assumption that any of these sheets originally
formed part of a sketchbook.19
As successors of the pattern-books that
played an essential role in late medieval
workshops, sketchbooks came into general
use from the mid-fifteenth century. While
pattern-books comprised favoured motifs
primarily for apprentices to learn their master’s style, artists used sketchbooks to draw
anything that caught their attention.20 However, very few bound sketchbooks survived,
because draughtsmen understandably preferred single sheets to cumbersome volumes.
The original state of sketchbooks is usually
difficult to reconstruct; on the one hand they
often owe their book-like form to later collectors, while on the other hand many sketchbooks were dismantled during the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries.
It is impossible to decide whether Raphael’s
figure studies were originally drawn on single
sheets or in a bound volume. Most sheets were
subsequently trimmed, thus the codicological
details that may denote their initial purpose
have been lost. In fact, however, pattern-sheets
had been in use in Perugino’s workshop, and
two fragmentary sketchbooks survived from
the painter’s circle.21 Fischel assumed the existence of seven sketchbooks by Raphael from
the years before 1512,22 but from the sheets
that came down to us only two sketchbooks
could be hypothetically reconstructed.23 Even
so, sketchbooks and pattern-sheets indisputably played a significant role in Raphael’s
early years.
In the middle of the fifteenth century Florentine artists treated the human figure primarily as a motif, without sufficient interest in its
32
anatomical representation. Though drawing
from life was already a standard practice in
the 1470s and 1480s, the majority of surviving
studies are mere repetitions of conventional
and static poses,24 composed from details
of antique and contemporary works. The
drawings by Maso Finiguerra (1426–1464) and
Antonio Pollaiuolo served as primary models
for a rather limited figure repertoire, which
Florentine painters integrated in their works
with great diversity.25 This eclectic method of
figure construction was introduced to Perugino in Verrocchio’s workshop, and transmitted
by him to the young Raphael.26
The Budapest Saint Jerome is generally considered among Raphael’s early life studies, but
was in fact clearly composed from existing
works, mostly drawings and sculptures. The
torso on the right appears to have been elaborated from the respective detail in the Oxford
33
15
Antonio Pollaiuolo
Male Nude Seen from Three
Angles
1470s
Pen and wash in brown ink
265 × 360 mm
Paris, Musée du Louvre, 1486
16
Leonardo
Abdomen and Left Leg of a
Nude Man Standing in Profile
c. 1506–10
Red chalk on ochre ground
252 × 198 mm
London, British Museum, 1886,0609.41
17
Umbrian Artist
Nude Study
c. 1500–20
Pen and brown ink, 230 × 167 mm
Venice, Galleria dell’Accademia, 84
Saint Paul with the addition of the bent left
arm [fig. 14]. This torso motif, frequently
recurring in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
Florentine figure studies, derives from the
famous antique statue in the Medici collection, a Roman copy of a famed Hellenistic
work, called Red Marsyas for the colour of its
marble.27 The statue portraying the skinned
and stressed muscular man served for Renaissance artists as a kind of écorché that enabled
them to study the anatomical structure of the
human body.
While during the mid-fifteenth century
artists applied antique motifs in an almost
unchanged form, towards the end of the century they began to regard them as sources of
inspiration. Primary mediators between the
Antique and the Renaissance had been the
all’antica studies drawn by artists of the previous generation, most of all Antonio Pollaiuolo,
whose figures were extensively copied well
into the sixteenth century.28 Pollaiuolo was
prized as a draughtsman with unique skills of
depicting the human body, and his drawings
were widely available. His most favoured sheet
representing a male nude captured from three
views, today in the Louvre, Paris, became one
of the most frequently copied pattern-sheets
in Florentine workshops [fig. 15].29 Pollaiuolo’s method of representing the figure from
several angles indicates a markedly sculptural
approach,30 suggesting the study was perhaps
drawn after a small wax model with moveable
limbs.31 The Paris drawing was employed by
both painters and sculptors as an anatomical
pattern-sheet, the details of which could be
freely adapted to the needs of their own works.
Leonardo’s anatomical studies show his
indebtedness to Pollaiuolo.32 Between 1490
and 1510 he repeatedly drew the profile view
34
of the leg and abdomen, and turned to the
older master’s Paris drawing for inspiration.33
At the same time Leonardo might have been
familiar with the Red Marsyas itself, as the
statue had been restored in 1475 by his former
master, Verrocchio.34 Of Leonardo’s studies
of the male torso, the red chalk drawing in
London [fig. 16] is closest in time to Raphael’s Oxford drawing. The London sheet has
been variously dated some time between
­Leonardo’s second stay in Florence and his
return to Milan, that is between 1503 and
1510, but according to its fragmentary watermark the Milanese years seem more likely.35
As Leonardo’s drawings, with anatomical
stud­ies among them, were perhaps accessible to Raphael in Florence, they might have
served as intermediate sources to Pollaiuolo’s
motifs.
The question how the Pollaiuolesque torso
became integrated in Raphael’s art is further
complicated by its copies in the Umbrian
sketchbook known as Libretto Raffaello or
Libretto Veneziano [fig. 17].36 The sketchbook
dating from the first decades of the sixteenth
century originates from the circle of Peru­
gino, and contains copies after paintings by
the master and the young Raphael. It also
includes drawings after prints and the Antique,
among them the Red Marsyas.37 A sheet from
another Umbrian sketchbook dating from the
same period portrays the famous statue from
three different views.38 The drawings of the
two Umbrian sketchbooks were not made after
the original works, but seem to be copies after
other sheets circulating among workshops.39
The torso in Raphael’s Oxford and Budapest
drawings, originating from the Red Marsyas
and mediated through Pollaiuolo’s and Leo­
nardo’s anatomical studies was well-known
18
Michelangelo
Nude Study
c. 1503–4
Pen and brown ink in two shades
374 × 228 mm
London, British Museum, 1887,0502.117
in Umbria primarily via Perugino, indicating
that Raphael might have been familiar with
the motif even before 1504. However, the style
of the Budapest and Oxford figure studies,
together with those associated with the ‘Large
Florentine Sketchbook’, leave no doubt that
they were made during Raphael’s early Florentine years.
The Budapest Saint Jerome belongs to Raphael’s earliest Florentine pen drawings, and thus
bears the marks of the initial, failed attempts
of a draughtsman unfamiliar with the new
technique. In his Umbrian pen drawings the
main contours were usually first indicated
with blind stylus or soft black chalk, whereas
the Saint Jerome was executed directly in pen.
Taking full advantage of the flexibility of the
35
medium, Raphael endowed the drawing with
a look of having been executed at speed.
The vigorous, dynamic lines of the Saint
Jerome create more organic forms than those
in Raphael’s previous drawings. Its style
was also influenced by Michelangelo’s pen
drawings, most of all his figure studies for
the Battle of Cascina [fig. 18]. The Budapest
sheet focuses primarily on the main contours,
and contrary to the plastically modelled
drawings by Michelangelo, Raphael treated
the inner forms slightly implausibly with
staccato parallel hatching to indicate lighting. Although his handling of the pen gives
the impression of spontaneity, the outlines
retouched in a darker ink and the accidental
inkblot spoil much of its vivacity. In addition
to the unintentional defects, the anatomically
unresolved details also betray the draughtsman’s inexperience. The qualitative divergence
19
Roman Master
Fragment of a Relief
Terracotta, 35 × 29 cm
Rome, Museo delle Terme, 4359
between the confidently drawn torso and the
misconstructed and awkwardly attached left
arm leave no doubt that instead of drawing
from life, Raphael constructed the figure from
various models by other artists.
To develop the torso of the Oxford and
Budapest sheets into full-figure saints, Raphael was again inspired by existing works.
The pose of the Oxford Saint Paul follows
­Do­natello’s (1386/87–1466) famous marble
statue of Saint George (Florence, Museo
Nazionale del Bargello) placed in a niche of
the façade of Orsanmichele after 1414. Furthermore, the Budapest Saint Jerome holds
an almost identical pose to the figure on the
left in a fragment of an antique frieze (Rome,
Museo delle Terme) [fig. 19].40 Raphael initially
strove to perfect the human body por­trayed
in balanced contrapposto through a limited
figure repertoire, therefore variations of the
Budapest and Oxford saints may be found in
several of his contemporaneous pen drawings.
The central figure of his study for a group
of warriors [fig. 20] also recalls Donatello’s
Saint George, while the male nude to the right
closely corresponds with the aforementioned
antique relief.41
Donatello’s Saint George embodied the
Renaissance prototype of the powerful, heroic
figure and was frequently repeated from the
moment of its installation. Peru­gino must
have been particularly fond of the statue
and included its pose in several of his works,
thus the fifteenth-century model was transmitted to Raphael even before his arrival in
Florence.42 The fact that the central figure of
Raphael’s group study in Oxford is closer to
Perugino’s drawing at Windsor [fig. 21] than
to Donatello’s statue suggests that Raphael
worked after a drawing from the Perugino
37
don [fig. 22].46 If Raphael adopted this figure
directly from the antique frieze he must have
seen the original relief in Rome.47 The figure
on the right on the London sheet seems to
add further support to the theory of a trip
to Rome before 1508, because its possible
model, the Apollo Sauroktonos (Naples,
Museo Archeologico) was housed in the Sassi
Collection in Rome at the beginning of the
sixteenth century.48
As a large number of Raphael’s figure studies from the period between 1504 and 1508
are closely related to antique Roman works,
the painter’s presence in the town seems
highly probable.49 However, replicas of
Roman an­tiqu­ities were widely accessible in
Flor­ence from the 1460s, and copies after the
20
Raphael
A Group of Warriors
c. 1504–5
Pen and brown ink, 271 × 216 mm
Oxford, Ashmoelan Museum, 523
21
Perugino
Man in Armour
c. 1490–93
Metalpoint, pen and ink, heightened
with white, on blue ground, 250× 189 mm
Windsor, Royal Collection, RL 12801
22
Raphael
A Group of Nude Men
c. 1504–5
Pen and brown ink, 243 × 148 mm
London, British Musem, 1895,0915.628
workshop instead of the original marble
itself.43 Although executing figure studies after
statues was a common practice throughout
Italy, and therefore also in Giovanni Santi’s
and Perugino’s workshops, when they were
to record existing motifs, painters preferred
pattern-sheets to three-dimensional works.
It appears that Raphael mastered the newly
acquainted method of pen by drawing from
well-known models, and extended his figure
repertoire only after he had gained some confidence in the new artistic formulas and ideals
of great masters.44
Raphael’s drawing inspired by the antique
relief raises the possibility that he may have
visited Rome prior to his Florentine sojourn
in 1504.45 The pose of the Budapest Saint
Jerome was developed from the right hand
figure of the Oxford drawing [fig. 20] and
appears in reverse on another sheet in Lon-
38
Antique drawn by Perugino and Pintoric­chio
also played an important role in their mediation in Umbria as well. Considering that
only a small number of these possible intermediate drawings survive, in some cases Raphael’s direct sources are impossible to define.
As he initially borrowed motifs from various
artworks in his figure studies, it seems more
plausible that he worked from easily available drawn copies after the Antique, rather than
from the original works. His early Florentine
figure studies mark the shift from Umbrian
late medieval pattern-book tradition to the
new concept of the human figure introduced
by Leonardo and Michelangelo.
The Budapest sheet suffered several later
interventions. It was not only trimmed, but the
image taken in backlight has revealed that the
sheet was also split [fig.23].50 The procedure of
dividing a paper in two halves, thus obtaining
two separate drawings from a double-sided
sheet was a common practice among art
dealers and collectors from the eighteenth
century on.51 As a result of this process, the
Budapest sheet became extreme­ly thin, and its
fragility provoked the loss of a major part at
the left edge and the lower right corner. When
it was adhered to a secondary sheet, attempts
were made to repair the damage and reattach
the small specks of paper. The unsuccessful
repair of the tears and losses indicates it was
executed by a different person from the one
who split the sheet, which demands the skills
of a professional.52
The date of these interventions is uncertain.
Before the Saint Jerome entered the Esterházy
Collection, it had been reproduced by the lesser-known Florentine painter and etcher Sante
Pacini (1735–1790).53 Pacini’s etching in reverse
is a precise but not mechanical copy after
39
23
Fig. 11 in transmitted light
Raphael’s drawing; the printmaker accentuated certain lines while omitting others,
as well as the accidental inkblot. It is impossible to judge whether Pacini deliberately
eliminated the damage, or if the damage was
sustained after his etching was created. As there
is no trace of the drawing’s provenance before
it entered the Esterházy Collection, Pacini’s
print is the earliest document con­cerning
its origin.54 Although Pacini reproduced
several of Raphael’s drawings, apart from
his etching after a lost Raphael sheet once
owned by the German painter and writer,
Anton Raphael Mengs (1728–1779), their
provenance is unknown.54 Therefore we may
only assume that the Budapest Saint Jerome
remained in Florence until the end of the
eighteenth century.55
40
1 For Timoteo Viti, see Ferriani 1983 and Cleri 2009.
2 Shearman 2003, pp. 104–6.
3 For Raphael’s Umbrian works, see Urbino 2009.
4 For Raphael’s presumed stay in Florence between
1493 and 1494, see Becherucci 1968, pp. 12–15.
5 For Raphael’s Sienese commissions, see Henry
2004.
6 For the recommendation by Giovanna Feltria
to Piero Soderini, the authenticity of which has
been debated, see Shearman 2003, pp. 1457–62;
for Raphael’s letter to Simone Ciarla dated 21 April,
1508, see ibid., pp. 112–13.
7 For the commission and the cartoons, see Meyer
zur Capellen 1996, pp. 86–97.
8 For Alberti’s Della Pittura, see Alberti (Sinsigalli)
2006. For the influence of Alberti’s istoria on Raphael’s art, see Becherucci 1969, p. 25; Plemmons 1978,
pp. 187–224; Rosenberg 1986; Ferino-Pagden 1992.
9 For Alberti’s istoria, see Alberti (Sinsigalli) 2006,
p. 369, note 228.
10 Alberti (Sinsigalli) 2006, II, 33.
11 Ibid., II, 40.
12 Ames-Lewis 1981, pp. 91–103; Forlani Tempesti
1994.
13 Ames-Lewis 1986, pp. 24–25 and Joannides 1983,
nos. 40, 41, 43r, 44 and 47r.
14 The impact of Signorelli’s works on Raphael’s art
is most manifest between 1500 and 1503, while
his frescoes in Orvieto influenced Raphael during his entire career, see Gilbert 1986 and Henry
2009. For a drawing by Raphael on the verso of
a sheet from Signorelli’s Orvieto workshop, see
Henry 1993 and 2012, pp. 200–1, cf. Bambach 1992
and 1999, p. 475, note 33.
15 Joannides 1983, nos. 85r and 87r. The warrior
with a spear on the back of the Oxford sheet is
­usually identified with Saint George, see ibid., no.
87v.
16 Passavant 1860, vol. 2, pp. 417–18, no. 242.
17 Meyer zur Capellen 2001, no. 17; more extensively
Wolk-Simon 2006, esp. nos. 14 and 15.
18 For Raphael’s ‘Large Florentine Sketchbook or
Sketchbooks’ (Großes Florentiner Skizzenbuch),
see Fischel, vol. 2, pp. 88–89; Fischel 1939, p. 182,
note 3. Fischel reproduced 16 sheets on 22 plates,
see Fischel vol. 2, nos. 81–102 (Joannides 1983, nos.
85r–v, 86, 87r–v, 88r, 89, 91r–v, 93r, 94r–v, 108r, 114r,
135r, 146r–v, 147, 157v, 158r, 191r–v).
19 For the criticism of Fischel’s hypothesis, see Parker
1956, p. 270 (mistakenly including Fischel vol. 2,
no. 103 in his list); Parker 1939–40, p. 38; Pouncey
and Gere 1962, p. 13; Gere and Turner 1983, p. 59.
20 For pattern-books and sketchbooks in general,
see Ames-Lewis 1981, esp. pp. 63–89; Scheller 1995
and Elen 1995.
21 For the two sketchbooks, see Schmitt 1970, pp.
107–22; Ferino-Pagden 1982, no. 83; Ferino-Pagden
1984, pp. 13–31; Elen 1995, nos. 38 and 43.
22 Fischel 1939, esp. p. 182.
23 Elen 1995, nos. 45 and 47.
24 Ragghianti and Dalli Regoli 1975.
25 Whitaker 1998 and 2012.
26 Kwakkelstein 2004.
27 For the two Marsyas statues owned by the
Medicis, see Bober and Rubinstein 1986, p. 72.
For the dilemma whether the Red and the White
Marsyas today in the Uffizi are identical with the
statues mentioned by Vasari, see Osano 1996,
pp. 98–103 and Burroughs 2001, esp. p. 44, notes
20 and 24. For the Marsyas statues of the Uffizi, see
Mansuelli 1958, nos. 56 and 57.
28 For the antique models used by Antonio Pollai­uolo,
see Fusco 1979.
29 For the drawing, see Wright 2005, pp. 158–62;
for the copies of the drawing, see Fusco 1982,
pp. 186, esp. pp. 192–94.
30 Ames-Lewis 1981, pp. 104–10.
31 For the question, see Nathan 1995, pp. 73–81.
32 For Antonio Pollaiuolo’s influence on Leonardo’s
anatomical drawings and for the supposition that
following his predecessor, Leonardo perhaps
also executed sculptural wax écorché models, see
Kwakkelstein 2004.
33 Windsor, Royal Collection, 12625 and 12632;
London, British Museum, 1886,0609.41; Milan,
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, 1355; for the drawings,
see Clark and Pedretti 1968, under nos. 12625 and
12632.
34 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 3, pp. 366–67; vol. 4,
p. 10; Caglioti 1993–94. The red nude included in
the sculptor’s inventory of 1496 is usually identified
with the Red Marsyas, see Rubin and Wright 1999,
pp. 39 and 43.
35 For the red chalk drawing in London, see most
recently, Hugo Chapman in London and Florence
2010–11, no. 57.
36 Ferino-Pagden 1982, nos. 83/14r, 33v, 34r, 35r–v, 40r.
For the sheets separate today but originally forming a sketchbook, see ibid., no. 83; ­Ferino-Pagden
1984, pp. 13–31; Elen 1995, no. 43.
37 Ferino-Pagden 1982, no. 83/6v.
38 Schmitt 1970, p. 116 and fig. 24. For the fragmentary sketchbook, see also Elen 1995, no. 38. For
the relation of the Oxford and Budapest drawings
with the Umbria sketchbook including copies of
the Red Marsyas, see Plemmons 1978, pp. 123–27.
Plemmons’s supposition that the direct source for
Raphael’s torso was probably one of the drawn
copies after the Red Marsyas is contradicted by
the fact that the Hellenistic hanging Marsyas,
as opposed to the torso of the Oxford drawing,
stands on his tiptoes. On the other hand, Raphael
must have been in acquaintance with the statue or
one of its replicas, as he quoted it in the Apollo and
Marsyas fresco on the ceiling of the Stanza della
Segnatura, see Dussler 1971, p. 70.
39 Elen 1995, p. 263, notes 8 and 9.
40 Fischel vol. 2, p. 113, under no. 87; Becatti 1969,
p. 504, figs. 7 and 8; Rohden and Winnefeld 1911,
no. XLVIII.
41 Joannides 1983, no. 88r; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 46; Hugo Chapman in Chapman, Henry, and
Plazzotta 2004, no. 47.
42 Donatello’s Saint George was repeatedly quoted
by Perugino: for the figure of Saint Michael in
his altarpiece of 1496 for the Certosa di Pavia (London, National Gallery, see Scarpellini 1984, no. 104),
for Julius Sicinius in the wall-painting in Perugia,
Collegio del Cambio (ibid., no. 94), and for Saint
Michael in his Florentine Ascension altarpiece
(Florence, Galleria dell’Accademia; ibid., no. 112),
see Hiller von Gaertrigen 2004, esp. pp. 345–47.
43 Windsor, Royal Collection, RL 12801, see Clayton
1999–2001, no. 5; Carol Plazzotta in Chapman,
Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, no. 3.
44 Ames-Lewis 1986, pp. 39–50; Kwakkelstein 2004
and 2007.
45 For the possibility that Raphael visited Rome
around 1503, and in 1506 or 1507 as well, see
Shearman 1977, p. 131.
46 Joannides 1983, no. 89; Gere and Turner 1983,
no. 48; for the provenance of the drawing, see
Gibson-Wood 2003, p. 168, note 42.
47 Becatti 1969, p. 504.
41
48 For the antique statue and its Renaissance replicas, see http://census.bbaw.de/easydb/censusID=159347 (May 25, 2013). The statue appears
in several drawings by Raphael dated after 1508,
see Joannides 1983, nos. 264r, 186v, 202r and 265r.
49 For further examples and a detailed discussion of
the issue, see Kwakkelstein 2004 and 2007. It is
notable, however, that the right hand figure on the
London sheet is closely related with Michelan­gelo’s
drawing made in Florence around 1501–3 (Hartt
1971, no. 6), but it is difficult to judge whether
Michelangelo’s source for this was the antique
marble of the Three Graces in the Piccolomini
Library, Siena (ibid.) or the antique Apollo torso
of the Sassi Collection (Ekserdjian 1993).
50 The Budapest drawing was executed on the wire
side of the split paper, where the chain lines
are clearly visible and a faint and fragmentary
watermark also appears [see Appendix II]. The
poor condition and extremely thin paper of a
Raphael drawing in the British Museum, London (1895,0915.628; fig. 22), executed in the same
period implies its paper had probably been also
split. Their almost identical size suggests that the
Budapest and London drawings might have orig-
inally constituted a single sheet. Our hypothesis
is supported not only by their similarity in style,
but also that unusually among Raphael’s early figure studies both drawings are single-sided. This
would not be the only instance of a Florentine
drawing by Raphael being split: a double-sided
drawing in the British Museum, London (Pp, 1.75,
see Joannides 1983, no. 187) was assembled from
two split and seriously damaged sheets. As the
London sheet, here presumed to be the counterpart
of the Budapest drawing, is attached to a second­
ary support, we had no opportunity to examine
its paper in translucent light. To our inquiry, however, Hugo Chapman confirmed that the paper
of the London drawing is indeed extremely thin.
51 For the technique of paper splitting, see Walsh
2000 and Smentek 2008.
52 The whole paper is of the same thickness save for
the creased, torn parts where it is somewhat thicker,
which indicates that the damage was not caused
during the splitting process.
53 Höper 2001, no. A108. Fabia Borroni Salvadori
suggests that Pacini included his etchings after
old master drawings, including those by Raphael, in
his series of prints titled Scelta di disegni origi­nali
di eccellenti autori incisi in rame da Santi Pacini
Fiorentino [...], published in 1789. In this series the
description of print no. 6B (Due schizzi di nudi
virili, di cui uno a tutta figura) may correspond
with the Budapest drawing; for the quotation see
Borroni Salvadori 1985, p. 52, note 45. However, we
did not succeed in finding the mentioned album
in any collection. Giorgio Marini kindly informed
us that the etching reproducing the Budapest
drawing is the penultimate page (2923) of a series
preserved in the Uffizi, Florence (2875–2924).
54 The inventory of prints and drawings of the Esterházy Collection, preserved in the Museum of Fine
Arts, Budapest, is a copy of 1834 from the original
inventory compiled in 1819 and does not include
any information on the provenance of the drawing,
see Gonda 1999, pp. 204, 219, note 48.
55 Cordellier and Py 1992a, p. 517.
56 Although in his testament of 1765 Ignazio Enrico
Hugford appointed Pacini as heir to his works
remaining in the Florentine workshop, upon
his death his drawings finally entered the Uffizi
­(Serafini 2004), thus the Budapest drawing
could not have been among those bequeathed by
­Hugford.
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